From Lieutenant to Captain in Four Months: Captain Charles Baillie and Fraser’s Highlanders, 1757

No authentic portraits of William Baillie of Rosehall or his wife Elizabeth Sutherland are known to survive. This AI-generated painting has been created to represent how a mid-18th-century couple of their standing might have appeared. It is intended as a symbolic evocation for historical context rather than a documented likeness.

Introduction

The raising of Highland regiments during the Seven Years’ War illuminates the way kinship, landholding, and county reputation combined to generate military manpower. One case that demonstrates the interplay of these forces is the promotion of Captain Charles Baillie, whose rapid advancement from second lieutenant in the Royal North British Fusiliers (21st Regiment of Foot) to captain in Simon Fraser’s newly authorized Highland battalion occurred between September 1756 and January 1757. The Baillie family of Rosehall were connected maternally to the Frasers of Reelig, themselves a cadet branch of the Lovats, and this kinship placed them within the patronage networks most influential in Inverness-shire. This article examines the verified evidence that ties William Baillie of Rosehall and his son Charles to Fraser’s Highlanders, drawing on printed and archival sources. The study demonstrates how the combination of family identity, landed influence, and wartime necessity shaped officer appointments and recruiting.

This study was prompted when I was contacted by a descendant of a soldier who had served in Colonel Simon Fraser’s 78th Regiment of Foot (Fraser’s Highlanders) during its North American service from 1757 to 1763. My initial investigation turned to the regiment’s grenadier company, then commanded by Captain Charles Baillie. In 1757, such a company functioned as an elite shock-assault formation, composed of soldiers selected for their height, discipline, and physical strength. Although the tactical use of hand-thrown grenades had largely been abandoned by this period, grenadiers retained the title and their distinctive tall mitre caps, as well as a reputation as the regiment’s most formidable and courageous troops.

Captain Charles Baillie

As noted in a genealogical compilation prepared by Marie Fraser of the Clan Fraser Society of Toronto (2002), Charles Baillie was the son of William Baillie of Rosehall, Scotland, and Elizabeth Sutherland of Clyne. Commissioned a second lieutenant in the 21st Regiment of Foot [The National Archives, U.K., WO 25/24, 137], he transferred to the newly raised 78th Regiment to serve as one of its original company commanders. He was gazetted captain of the grenadier company on 10 January 1757 [London Gazette]. However, he does not appear in Colonel J. R. Harper’s list of officers who sailed for Louisbourg in 1758. Baillie was killed during the landings at Louisbourg on 8 June 1758, though Harper, in error, identifies the casualty as David Baillie—a mistake corrected by the Journal of William Amherst [Amherst, 47].

Commission Records and the Question of Promotion

Surviving documentation leaves several questions concerning Baillie’s advancement. The official Officers’ Commission Books preserved at The National Archives in London record his appointment as a second lieutenant in the 21st Regiment in September 1756. Yet by January 1757, scarcely four months later, he had been promoted to captain in Fraser’s Highlanders. This unusually rapid progression raises the central problem addressed here: by what mechanism could such advancement occur, and what does it reveal about the system of patronage and recruitment in mid-eighteenth-century Highland regiments?

Such an abrupt promotion was highly uncharacteristic within the established norms of eighteenth-century British Army advancement, where progress was typically regulated either by seniority or by the purchase of commissions, and even then often subject to years of waiting. The case of Charles Baillie therefore points to the influence of extraordinary factors—whether personal connections, political patronage, or the urgent demand for trustworthy officers in newly raised Highland battalions. It is precisely this convergence of family ties, local influence, and wartime necessity that makes Baillie’s commission a valuable lens through which to examine how the British state mobilized elite networks in Scotland to meet the manpower requirements of the Seven Years’ War.

The Reelig Frasers as a Cadet of Lovat

The solution to Baillie’s rapid promotion lies in understanding the kinship and patronage structures of the Highlands, particularly the Fraser cadet lines and their allied families. The Frasers of Reelig, Scotland are identified in Charles Fraser-Mackintosh’s Antiquarian Notes as a cadet branch of the Lovat Frasers. On page 36 of the 1897 Second Series, Fraser-Mackintosh records that Hannah Fraser of Reelig married Alexander Baillie of Dochfour, and that their issue included William Baillie of Rosehall. This marriage, with its listing of descendants, provides a firm genealogical link connecting the Rosehall Baillies to the Fraser of Reelig line. Through this connection, the Baillie family occupied a credible place within the kinship networks of the wider Fraser lineage—networks that were both socially and politically influential in the Highlands during the mid-eighteenth century.

That single entry in Antiquarian Notes thus serves as a critical anchor point. As a primary published source, it substantiates the maternal Fraser descent of William Baillie of Rosehall. Because later archival or contemporary evidence concerning Charles Baillie is scarce or ambiguous—Ian McCulloch’s Sons of the Mountains, Volume II (2006) records Charles as 'yr' [younger] of Rosehall, strongly suggesting his parentage as William Baillie and his wife Elizabeth Sutherland—the Fraser-Mackintosh entry becomes especially important in reconstructing Baillie’s familial and social origins. It strengthens the case that his appointment in Fraser’s Highlanders was facilitated by interrelated kinship networks, particularly those linking Rosehall and Reelig, rather than arising solely through merit or the routine purchase of commissions.

The union of Hannah Fraser and Alexander Baillie also represented the joining of two landed families with established power. The Dochfour Baillies had long been prominent in Inverness-shire, while the Frasers of Reelig carried the prestige of their Lovat kinship. Antiquarian Notes (36) names William as “of Rosehall,” situating him as the inheritor of a landed identity in County Sutherland. This published source provides the essential genealogical anchor that confirms William’s position within the Fraser-Baillie lineage.

The Rosehall estate in Sutherland represented a county presence distinct from the Dochfour seat. What can be securely documented is William Baillie’s identification in Antiquarian Notes as “of Rosehall,” a designation that affirms his status as a recognized landholder in the region. Through his maternal Fraser descent, he was positioned within the influential kinship networks that underpinned recruiting in 1757. This context establishes William as a credible figure in county society, whose involvement in Fraser’s levy is later corroborated by contemporary correspondence.

Military Practice and Wartime Promotion

During the rapid expansion of 1757, the British Army required officers to staff newly authorized Highland battalions. Evidence from the Cumberland Papers, cited by E. M. Lloyd in The English Historical Review, shows that commissions were explicitly awarded to men “who from their connections and interest in the country can raise most men.” This demonstrates that officer appointments in Fraser’s Highlanders were not made solely on the basis of prior military service but were often determined by local influence and recruiting ability. Lloyd’s account confirms that wartime promotion could be accelerated when family standing and regional ties directly translated into manpower for the regiment.

In the case of Charles Baillie, his appearance in the London Gazette as a captain in the newly authorized Second Highland Battalion (Fraser’s Highlanders) is indisputable evidence of his formal promotion. The Gazette also indicates that each officer was expected to assist in raising a quota of men for his company, embedding recruiting responsibility within the commission itself. That structural linkage between officer appointment and recruitment duty suggests that local influence—such as through a landholder or clan figure—was materially relevant in securing rapid advancement.

Viewed together, the historical context — in which wartime pressure relaxed rigid seniority norms and encouraged integration of socially established men — provides a plausible explanatory framework. Baillie’s promotion from second lieutenant to grenadier captain within months, though rapid, aligns with documented practice under wartime exigencies and patronage networks.

Recruiting in Ross-shire, 1757
The remaining strand of evidence lies in a letter preserved among the Clephane of Carslogie Papers at the National Records of Scotland, in which Betty Clephane—sister of Major James Clephane of the 78th Regiment—writes to her brother, Dr. Clephane of Golden Square, London, in early 1757. In this correspondence she reports that “Mr. Bailly” was engaged in recruiting for Colonel Fraser in Ross-shire. Although Betty omits the forename in referring to “Mr. Bailly,” the timing (i.e. early 1757, concurrent with the raising of Fraser’s Highland battalion) and the geographic locus (Ross-shire, a recruiting ground for the regiment) render William Baillie of Rosehall a highly plausible candidate. Through this letter, one obtains a tangible link between Baillie’s clan/land networks and the Fraser recruiting apparatus, effectively bridging the genealogical and Gazette evidence and placing Baillie within Fraser’s recruitment sphere.

Assessing the Parentage Claim

While multiple genealogical traditions and published pedigrees assert that Charles Baillie was the son of William Baillie of Rosehall and Elizabeth Sutherland of Clyne, no surviving primary document (marriage register, will, or baptismal record) has yet been conclusively identified that confirms that marriage or parentage. Thus, the connection remains plausible and consistent with known estate and kinship networks, but should be treated with reserve until corroborated by archival evidence. Nevertheless, the genealogical tradition does align well with the social and patronage networks within which Charles Baillie’s rapid promotion likely took place.

Conclusion

Taken together, the surviving records demonstrates both the unusual speed of Charles Baillie’s advancement and the mechanisms that made it possible. Commission books confirm his status as a second lieutenant in the 21st Regiment as late as September 1756, while the London Gazette lists him as a captain in Fraser’s Highland Battalion by January 1757—a span of only four months. Such acceleration stands outside the ordinary pace of eighteenth-century army promotion, but aligns with the wartime practice described by Lloyd, in which the urgent need for officers in newly raised battalions created opportunities for rapid elevation.

The explanation rests not only on military necessity but also on the social networks that underpinned Highland recruiting. The genealogical evidence provided by Fraser-Mackintosh firmly connects William Baillie of Rosehall to the Frasers of Reelig, a cadet of the Lovat line. This kinship link situated the Rosehall Baillies within the very patronage field that oversaw Fraser’s Highland regiment. The Clephane correspondence of early 1757, noting that “Mr. Bailly” was actively recruiting in Ross-shire, reinforces this connection and provides a contemporary glimpse of William Baillie’s direct involvement.

The convergence of these sources—official commission records, the London Gazette, Fraser-Mackintosh’s genealogical testimony, and the Clephane letter—creates a coherent picture. Charles Baillie’s swift promotion is best understood as the product of wartime expansion combined with the kinship and landed influence of his father. In this way, the Baillie of Rosehall case illustrates how family identity, county presence, and clan networks functioned as conduits of advancement in the mid-eighteenth-century British Army, and how the mobilization of Highland society during the Seven Years’ War rested as much on ties of lineage and influence as on the demands of the state.

Works Consulted

Amherst, William. The Journal of William Amherst, 1758. Edited by J. C. Webster, John Murray, 1931

Clephane, Betty. Letter to Doctor Clephane, Golden Square, London. 1757. National Records of Scotland, GD125/22/2, images 00017–00022.

E. M. Lloyd, “The Raising of the Highland Regiments in 1757,” The English Historical Review 17, no. 67 (July 1902): 466–69, esp. p. 468. 

Fraser-Mackintosh, Charles. Antiquarian Notes, Historical, Genealogical, and Social. Second Series: Inverness-shire, Parish by Parish. Inverness: A. & W. Mackenzie, 1897, 36.

Harper, J. R. The Fraser Highlanders. Gazette Printing Co., 1966.

Marie Fraser. Clan Fraser Society of Toronto Genealogical Compilation. Clan Fraser Society of Toronto, 2002.

The London Gazette. Issue 9654, 22 Jan. 1757.

The National Archives (Kew). War Office. Officers’ Commissions. WO 25/24, 137.

Le Machault: The French Frigate Lost at the Battle of Restigouche (1760)

"From high above the gun deck, chaos roars beneath storm-darkened skies. British sailors—some grizzled veterans, others civilian volunteers—heave ropes and haul shot, sweat mixing with seawater and smoke. Cannons bellow flame into the void, their barrels recoiling as fire and thunder leap from the muzzles." — Jeffrey Campbell, Thunder Beneath the Red Ensign (2025)

Le Machault: The French Frigate That Fought to Save New France

In 1760, at the twilight of French Canada, one ship symbolized France's desperate struggle to maintain its North American empire—Le Machault.

In the closing years of the Seven Years' War, as New France teetered on collapse, the French Navy launched one final effort to resupply its Canadian strongholds. At the heart of this desperate mission was Le Machault, a 32-gun frigate whose fate would be sealed in the muddy waters of the Restigouche River.

 
Overview:

• Name: Le Machault
• Type: Frigate
• Launched: 1757 (constructed in Bayonne, France)
• Tonnage: Approx. 550 tons
• Armament: Typically outfitted with around 32–36 guns
• Owner: Built for private commercial use but requisitioned by the French Navy for wartime service
• Named After: Jean-Baptiste Machault d'Arnouville, a French statesman and Minister of the Marine under Louis XV

Role in the Seven Years' War

By 1760, the loss of Quebec to British forces had left New France in crisis. Le Machault was assigned to a French convoy under Captain François Chenard de la Giraudais, tasked with delivering reinforcements, munitions, and desperately needed funds to the colony.

Departing France that spring, the frigate joined a small flotilla bound for the Gulf of St. Lawrence, the gateway to Canada. But British naval intelligence had foreseen the move.

The Gaspé Raid and Fraser's Petition

In 1760, Le Machault was part of a small French flotilla commanded by Captain François Chenard de la Giraudais. This squadron departed from France and sailed to the Gulf of St. Lawrence with the objective of resupplying French forces following the fall of Québec in 1759. However, British intelligence had anticipated the mission, and the flotilla was intercepted in what became known as the Battle of Restigouche on July 8, 1760.

Two months prior, Le Machault had been involved in an act of maritime piracy, seizing merchant goods and British Army regimental clothing off the coast of Gaspé—an annual issue intended for troops operating in the theatre. These captured supplies were transported to Restigouche. In response, Colonel Simon Fraser later petitioned the House of Commons in London for compensation, and on March 29, 1766, a formal claim was submitted for reimbursement:

“To Col. Fraser, to replace the Clothing of the 78th Battalion of Foot, which was taken on the 16th May 1760, by Machault French Frigate... £1025.2s.6d.”

Battle of Restigouche:

• The confrontation occurred in the Restigouche River, near present-day New Brunswick.
• Facing a larger British force under Captain John Byron, Le Machault and allied vessels attempted to defend the area and offload their cargo to local French and Mi'kmaq allies.
• Despite valiant resistance and scuttling operations to prevent capture, the French fleet, including Le Machault, was ultimately destroyed or abandoned.
• Le Machault was deliberately scuttled to block the river and prevent British pursuit. 

Aftermath and Legacy:

• The loss of Le Machault marked a significant blow to French hopes of reinforcing Canada.
• The ship’s remains were discovered in the 1960s and partially excavated in the 1970s.
• Artifacts recovered, including coins and armaments, are preserved and displayed at the Battle of the Restigouche National Historic Site in Quebec.

Le Machault's story embodies the last naval attempt by France to support its North American colonies during the war — an effort ultimately undone by British naval supremacy and the fall of Montréal later in 1760.

To learn more, visit the Battle of Restigouche National Historical Site of Canada. For nautical historians, be sure to check out our post for Enterprize, which escorted the 78th Regiment to North America during the Seven Years' War.

Works Consulted

Chartrand, René. The French Navy and the Seven Years' War in North America. Osprey Publishing, 2006. Provides a detailed account of French naval operations during the Seven Years' War, including Le Machault and the 1760 expedition.

National Historic Sites Directorate. Battle of the Restigouche National Historic Site of Canada: Management Plan. Parks Canada, 2007. Describes the historical significance of the site where Le Machault was scuttled and artifacts later recovered.

Trudel, Marcel. The Beginnings of New France, 1524–1663. Translated by Patricia Claxton, McClelland and Stewart, 1973. Though broader in scope, Trudel’s work gives context to the importance of French maritime supply lines and their strategic collapse during the Seven Years’ War.

Dull, Jonathan R. The French Navy and the Seven Years' War. University of Nebraska Press, 2005. A comprehensive scholarly source on the operational history of the French Navy, including key missions like Le Machault’s.

Journals of the House of Commons. Vol. 31, H.M. Stationery Office, 1803, p. 128.

Charting a New Course

"A powder monkey, also known as a powder boy, was typically a young adolescent—often between the ages of 12 and 16—tasked with ferrying gunpowder from the ship’s magazine to the gun decks during naval battles in the 18th and early 19th centuries."  — Jeffrey Campbell, Powder Monkey (2025)

Origins as Norwich

Norwich was originally a 50-gun fourth-rate ship of the line, a class commonly used by the Royal Navy during the early 18th century. Fourth-rate ships, with their medium size and armament, were versatile—large enough to participate in fleet actions, yet nimble enough for cruising and convoy duties.

The Norwich, later renamed Enterprise (or Enterprize) in 1744, was a Royal Navy ship that served during a time of intense naval rivalry in the 18th century, particularly between Britain, France, and Spain. Though details about this specific ship are limited, we can trace its story through the broader context of naval history and available naval records. 

The ship was built under the 1706 Establishment, a set of standards defining ship sizes, armament, and construction methods. Launched in the early 18th century (likely around 1690–1710), the Norwich served during a period that included the War of the Spanish Succession (1701–1714) and the War of Jenkins’ Ear (1739–1748), often seeing duty in colonial waters or as part of anti-privateer operations.

Constructor: Benjamin Roswell

Launched: 20.5.1718

Commissioned: 16.5.1719

Ship Type: Ship of the Line

Category: Fourth Rate

Broken up: 8.1771

Dimensions:

Length of Gundeck: 130’ 0”

Length of Keel: 108’ 0”

Breadth: 35’ 0”

Depth in Hold: 14’ 0”

Burthen: 703 68⁄94

Armament:

Lower Gun Deck: 22 British 18-Pounder

Upper Gun Deck: 22 British 9-Pounder

Quarter Deck: 4 British 6-Pounder

Forecastle: 2 British 6-Pounder

Crew Complement: 250 men (in 1744 as a 44-gun Fifth Rate)

Renaming to Enterprise

In 1744, the Norwich was renamed Enterprise. Renaming a ship in the Royal Navy was relatively uncommon and usually signified a shift in the ship’s role, refit, or a desire to continue a legacy name. By this time, the Norwich had likely undergone significant repairs or even a partial rebuild, prompting the reclassification and renaming.

The name "Enterprise" has deep roots in Royal Navy tradition. Derived from the French Entreprise, it had been borne by several previous Royal Navy vessels. The 1744 Enterprise was part of that lineage, which would continue well into the modern era, including the famous aircraft carrier HMS Enterprise (R06) of the 20th century.

Role in the Royal Navy

As Enterprise, the ship retained its 50-gun fourth-rate classification. Fourth-rates by the 1740s were considered somewhat outdated for line-of-battle engagements, as naval warfare increasingly favored the heavier third-rates (64–80 guns). However, ships like the Enterprise found new life as cruisers, convoy escorts, and flagships on colonial stations, especially in the Caribbean and North America.

During the War of the Austrian Succession (1740–1748), in which Britain was engaged against France and Spain, ships like Enterprise played a key role in protecting British merchant shipping, disrupting enemy trade, and supporting amphibious operations. She may have served in these capacities, though specific battle records or voyages for the renamed Enterprise are sparse.

Legacy and Fate

The Enterprise served during a period of major transition in the Royal Navy. Ship design was evolving rapidly, and by the mid-18th century, 50-gun ships were gradually being phased out of the line of battle in favor of more heavily armed vessels.

Her Escort Role

In 1757, during the Seven Years' War, British Navy man-of-war ships escorted transport vessels carrying troops and supplies from Ireland to Halifax, Nova Scotia, to protect them from French naval threats and privateers. The war was a global conflict between Britain and France for colonial dominance, with North America as a key theater.

Halifax served as a vital British naval base and staging point for military operations against French Canada, particularly Louisbourg and Quebec. The transports carried soldiers, arms, ammunition, and provisions—critical for reinforcing British positions in Nova Scotia and preparing for future campaigns.

Man-of-war ships, heavily armed and well-crewed, provided essential protection for these vulnerable transport convoys. French ships and privateers actively patrolled the Atlantic, seeking to disrupt British logistics. Without escorts, the slow-moving transports risked capture or destruction, which would have weakened British military efforts in North America.

Departing Ireland

Cork Harbour in Ireland served as a critical military and logistical hub for the British war effort during the Seven Years' War. Its deep, sheltered waters made it one of the largest and safest natural harbours in Europe, ideal for assembling and provisioning fleets.

The main purpose of the harbour at this time was as a staging and embarkation point for British troops and supply convoys bound for North America, particularly Halifax, Nova Scotia, and other key colonial outposts. Thousands of soldiers, along with arms, food, and equipment, were gathered in Cork before crossing the Atlantic to fight in the British campaigns against French forces in Canada.

On a blustery 30 June 1757, Colonel Simon Fraser’s Second Highland Battalion—more than a thousand Highlanders, their officers, women and children—filed into nine chartered transports in Cork Harbour, their destination hidden in sealed orders that spoke only of “North America.” 

Note: Captain John Donkley, Enterprise Commanding Officer, being senior captain, was temporarily assigned the rank of commodore for this voyage.

The 40-gun frigate Enterprise, flanked by the British Navy vessels Falkland and Stork, took station ahead of the merchantmen, and to the roar of gulls and the crack of canvas the little fleet swung past the headlands of Old Kingsale and out into the Atlantic bound for Halifax.

Below decks the Highlanders soon discovered the brutal reality of civilian transports: hammocks jammed shoulder-to-shoulder, sweating timbers that dripped onto hardtack, vermin in the bread lockers, and an ever-present reek of sickness that turned even hardened tars green.

Yet as Ireland’s green hills faded astern and the convoy surged eastward, excitement mingled with trepidation—the first exhilarating stride in an imperial war that would change their lives forever.

Life on Civilian Transport Ships

Civilian-hired transport ships of the 18th century were generally merchant vessels repurposed for military use. They had limited amenities, and life at sea could be a harsh test of endurance. The ships were primarily designed to carry cargo, so soldiers and crew would often be crowded below deck, where space was tight, and the air was stale. With limited ventilation, disease was a constant threat. Illnesses such as dysentery, scurvy, and typhus were common due to poor hygiene and the lack of fresh food and clean water. The lower decks were often dark and damp, making them especially uncomfortable for the soldiers during long voyages.

Meals were typically basic and monotonous, consisting of salted meat, hardtack (dry biscuits), and salted fish, which, while calorie-dense, were not particularly nutritious. Fresh fruit and vegetables were scarce, leading to malnutrition and diseases. The soldiers would have had to endure the smells of the ship’s storage areas, combined with the sounds of creaking wood and the constant motion of the vessel, which made sleep difficult.

Despite these hardships, the soldiers also engaged in some activities to pass the time, such as games, reading, and training exercises to maintain their physical condition. However, their primary task was preparing for the uncertain campaign ahead; it was also a time to learn basic military drills, finish tailoring unsewn uniforms, or spend time with any family members aboard.

The Captain's Logbook

A captain's logbook on a British warship served as an official record of daily events at sea. It documented navigational data, such as course, speed, and weather conditions, as well as significant occurrences like encounters with enemy ships, sightings, or landfalls. The logbook also recorded crew activities, disciplinary actions, and supplies. It was vital for ensuring accountability, maintaining a historical record, and providing information to naval command for strategic decisions. In case of mishaps, a logbook served as legal evidence, and it helped in future planning for naval operations.

Thankfully, hidden away within the vast archives of London’s National Archives, the official logbook of the Enterprise was uncovered, primarily written in the words of Captain John Donkley, her commanding officer, offering a rare and thrilling opportunity to dive into its pages. Here, we get our first glimpse into the ship's journey, with vivid daily entries as she navigates the rugged beauty of the Azores Islands, sailing alongside her convoy through the vast Atlantic.

Life on the Azores Islands

If there was a ever a benefit of sea life, it was the necessary port calls. When the convoy entered the area of the Azores in mid-July 1757, the soldiers and crew were granted a brief respite from the monotony of the sea. The Azores, a group of nine volcanic islands in the North Atlantic, were part of Portugal’s colonial possessions and lay roughly midway between Europe and the Americas. The islands were known for their rugged landscapes, fertile soil, and relatively mild climate.

Terciera Island

An entry on 16 July 1757 was recorded at a distance of approximately 100 nautical north of Terciera Island, and 210 miles east of Corvo Island. Known for its well-protected harbor, which had been a key naval base in earlier centuries. The island was more developed than some others, with larger settlements and a more active local economy. Here, the soldiers may have received supplies or medical treatment, and it would have offered a brief opportunity to rest on dry land, which was a welcome change from life on board the transport ships.

16 July 1757

Bearings at Noon: 40° 18’N, 25° 55’W

Course: WSW

Distance: 56 Miles

Absolute Bearing: Isd. Corvo, S85° 33’W

Distance 69 Leagues

Winds: WSW

Remarks: Mod^t and Cloudy washed the ship with Vinegar Unbent the Maintopsail and bent a new one and took in the 1st Rf of D^o Shortened sail for the Convoy Fired a gun and made the signal for the ships a stern to make more sail At 6PM Fired a gun & made the signal for the Convoy to come under our Stern In 2^d Rf  Foretopsl^s At 8 Fired a shot at one of the Convoy for not obeying our Sign^l At 1AM Little wind and clear At 4 Out 2 RF Topsail At 9 Fired a shot at the Neptune Transport she being ahead Mod^t and hazey 23 sail in sight Work't Ventilator ½ an hour &c.

Pico Island

While ashore on Pico Island, the soldiers would have been struck by its towering volcano, Mount Pico, which rises sharply to 2,351 meters. The island was primarily known for its vineyards, producing a unique wine, and its agricultural activity. Life here was relatively simple, with small villages centered around farming and fishing. The soldiers may have been able to interact with the local Portuguese inhabitants, although tensions often existed between occupying forces and civilian populations during wartime. The islands also had a strategic military value, as they lay along key sea routes.

Next, we found and entry a few days later, recording her location at about 36 miles southeast of the island. 

19 July 1757

Bearings at Noon: 38° 04’N, 28° 00’W

Course: SW2°W

Distance: 67 Miles

Absolute Bearing: Isd. Pico, N28°W

Distance: 12 Leagues

Winds: WbN, W, SbW, SbW½W, WbN, WbS, W, WbS

Remarks: D^o W^r [same weather as the previous day] ½ pt 12 fired a gun & made the signal for the Convoy to come under our Stern at 4PM Fresh gales and Clear Lost a Logg and four knots of Line D^o bent a new Log & two Lines At 8 In 2 Rf Topsails 23 sail in sight At 9 made sail At 12 Mod^t and Cloudy Close Rf Topsails At 4AM Fresh gales and Cloudy At 5 got down top Gall^t yds D^o masts At 7 Fired a gun and made the signal for the headmost ships to shorten s^l At 9 Hard gales & Cloudy fired a gun & made the signal wear ship to the NW at 11 fresh gales and Squally with rain 23 sail in sight Workt Ventilator ½ an hour &c.

São Miguel Island

As a fresh storm engulfed the Enterprise and her convoy, they embarked on a treacherous 150-mile voyage east toward São Miguel Island, depending on their exact route and sea conditions. While calculating longitude coordinates at sea in this era proved quite difficult (English clockmaker John Harrison's updated chronometer would not be finalized for sea use for a few more years, forcing Enterprise to begin recording longitudes in decimal minutes), the tempest's fury tested their resolve, but the promise of respite on São Miguel spurred them onward through the churning Atlantic. The largest and most populous of the Azores, the soldiers would have encountered more developed infrastructure, with towns like Ponta Delgada serving as centers of trade. São Miguel had fertile lands and was known for its agriculture, producing crops such as wheat, corn, and sugarcane. It was also famous for its hot springs, which could have provided some relief to weary soldiers and sailors.

20 July 1757:

Bearings at Noon: 38° 24’N, --.-- [not recorded]

Course: N

Distance: 89 Miles

Absolute Bearing: Island St. Michael, SWbS, 8 Leagues; Isd. Tercera, WbN, 38 Leagues

Winds: W, NNE, NEbN, NE, NEbN

Remarks: Fresh gales & thick hazey w^r with small rain Departed this life William Culverhouse Seaman At 2 fired a gun & made the Sign^l & wore D^o out 3^d Rf Tops^ls & got Top Gall^t up At 4 made the sign^l for the Convoy to come under our stern At 7AM got up Top Gall^t yards At 10 fired 3 shott at the Cecilia Transport being ahead the rest of the Convoy a great ways astern 23 sail in sight Work't Ventilator ½ an hour &c.

On 20 July 1757, the Enterprise’s log recorded a grim entry: the death of Seaman William Culverhouse. His passing underscored the relentless hazards faced by 18th-century Royal Navy sailors. Life aboard was a gauntlet of disease, brutal discipline, and perilous labor. Typhus, and dysentery also thrived in the ship’s cramped, unsanitary quarters, often claiming more lives than enemy fire. Strict rules was enforced with iron resolve—floggings and other severe punishments were routine for even minor infractions, maintaining order through fear. Sailors risked their lives daily, climbing slick rigging high above deck, where a single misstep could mean a fatal fall . For men like Culverhouse, the sea offered not adventure, but a constant battle for survival. He was survived by Sarah, his widow. [TNA, W.O. 33/556].

Charting a New Course

The crew and convoy of Enterprise departed São Miguel Island the morning of 23 July 1757, setting a course of SWbS, ultimately destined for Halifax, Nova Scotia. 

While in the Azores, the soldiers had the chance to stretch their legs, explore, and take in the islands’ unique geography, but their time there was brief and purely functional. They would have been aware of the uncertainty ahead and the demanding voyage to Nova Scotia that still lay before them. The islands were a temporary refuge, a brief interlude in the long journey across the ocean, and a reminder of the broader world in which the British Empire had interests.

Life on the Royal Navy and civilian transport ships was uncomfortable and dangerous, with soldiers enduring cramped conditions, poor provisions, and the constant threat of illness. However, the short stay in the Azores Islands offered a brief respite and a change of scenery, though the soldiers remained focused on their ultimate mission—reaching Halifax and preparing for the campaigns in North America.

Captain John Donkley

Public Advertiser

24 April 1758

London

We have Advice, by his Majesty's Ship Enterprize, of 40 Guns, lately arrived at Piscataqua in North America, of the Death of John Donkley, Esq; late Captain thereof, of a Fever, just on his Return  as Convoy to a Fleet of Merchantmen to England. By his Death his Majesty has lost a brave an gallant Officer, his Crew a most tender and humane Commander, and his inconsolable Widow a most affectionate Husband.

During the Age of Sail (16th to mid-19th century), typhus fever—commonly known as "ship fever"—was a major threat to sailors, soldiers, and prisoners. Caused by Rickettsia bacteria and spread through body lice, typhus thrived in the overcrowded and unhygienic conditions aboard naval and merchant ships. Symptoms included high fever, rash, delirium, and severe weakness, with mortality rates reaching 10–40% in some cases. The disease struck quickly and could wipe out large portions of a ship’s crew. Naval campaigns, including those during the Napoleonic Wars, were often crippled by typhus outbreaks, sometimes causing more deaths than combat. Migrant ships, particularly during the Irish Famine, were also devastated by the disease. Since the link between lice and typhus wasn't understood until the 20th century, prevention efforts during the Age of Sail were ineffective. While some captains attempted fumigation and cleanliness, these efforts were inconsistent and largely unsuccessful. Quarantine ports offered limited containment. Typhus played a critical role in shaping maritime and military outcomes, reflecting the broader struggle with infectious disease in pre-modern medicine.

About the Master Navigator

Charting Enterprise's official course for this trans-Atlantic voyage was George Coulthirst, master navigator entrusted with the ship’s navigation and sailing orders. According to the ship’s official Muster Book (The National Archives, ADM 36/5504), Coulthirst served in this capacity from 24 December 1756 until his death at sea on 7 August 1759. As master, he was responsible not only for plotting the ship’s position using charts, logs, and celestial observations, but also for overseeing the compass, sounding lead, and sailing instruments vital to safe passage. His death would have disrupted continuity in navigation during a critical deployment phase. His probate record, dated 12 October 1759, identifies him as "Master of His Majesty's Ship Alborough" [TNA, PROB 11/849/381]. Although unconfirmed, Alborough may have been his previous assignment, where his official probate documentation was initially prepared. 

The Navy's financial obligations to George Coulthirst were settled on 2 April 1760, with final payment made to Eustish Kentish (of unknown relation) on behalf of his widow, Eliza, in the amount of £48.9s.11d. (The National Archives, ADM 33/556).

For nautical historians, be sure to check out our post for Le Machault, French Frigate.

Works Consulted
Anderson, Fred. Crucible of War: The Seven Years' War and the Fate of Empire in British North America, 1754–1766. Vintage Books, 2000.

Baugh, Daniel A. British Naval Administration in the Age of Walpole. Princeton University Press, 1965.

Boxer, Charles R. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415–1825. Alfred A. Knopf, 1969.

Campbell, Jeffrey. Early Newspaper Accounts for the 78th Regiment [2nd Highland Battalion]. The 78th Regiment of Foot blog, 25 May 2017. Acc: 18 May 2025.

Chartrand, René. Louisbourg 1758: Wolfe's First Siege. Osprey Publishing, 2001.

Christy, Gabe. "Through Caning, Flogging, and Hanging, the Royal Navy Kept Discipline.” War History Online, 2016, www.warhistoryonline.com/history/royal-navy-kept-order-caning-flogging-hanging.html. Acc: 18 May 2025.

Cunha, Luís Filipe Reis Thomaz da. The Role of the Azores in the North Atlantic Navigation Routes. Revista da Faculdade de Letras: História, vol. 3, 2002, pp. 89–104.

Cook, G. C. Disease in the Merchant Navy: A History of Disease in Merchant Seamen. Routledge, 2007.

Costa, Sílvia M. Vieira da, and Francisco S. N. Figueiredo. The Landscape of the Pico Island Vineyard Culture: A World Heritage Site. Landscapes, vol. 14, no. 1, 2013, pp. 43–58.

Donkley, John. Captains' logs, including: ENTERPRISE (1756 Nov 18-1758 Mar 17).  The National Archives, U.K., ADM 51/313.

Forjaz, Jorge M. Azores: Nine Islands, One History. Letras Lavadas, 2008.

Gaspar, Joaquim. The Strategic Role of the Azores in Atlantic Navigation. Journal of Maritime Archaeology, vol. 4, no. 2, 2009, pp. 101–117.

Friel, Ian. Maritime Ireland: An Archaeology of Coastal Communities. Tempus Publishing, 2002.

Lavery, Brian. The Arming and Fitting of English Ships of War, 1600–1815. Naval Institute Press, 1987; Nelson’s Navy: The Ships, Men and Organization, 1793–1815. Naval Institute Press, 1989.

McLaughlin, Ian. The Sloop of War, 1650–1763. Seaforth Publishing, 2014.

Winfield, Rif. British Warships in the Age of Sail 1714–1792: Design, Construction, Careers and Fates. Seaforth Publishing, 2007.

Rodger, N. A. M. The Command of the Ocean: A Naval History of Britain, 1649–1815. Penguin Books, 2005.

Porter, Roy. The Greatest Benefit to Mankind: A Medical History of Humanity. W.W. Norton & Company, 1999.

Stacey, C. P. Quebec, 1759: The Siege and the Battle. Macmillan of Canada, 1959.

Taylor, Rupert. The 18th-Century Sailor: Harsh Life Aboard Navy Sailing Ships. HubPages, 2018, discover.hubpages.com/education/Harsh-Life-Aboard-Navy-Sailing-Ships.

Zinsser, Hans. Rats, Lice and History: A Chronicle of Pestilence and Plagues. Black Dog & Leventhal, 1935.

A Bard of Wolfe's Army. Edited by Earl John Chapman and Ian Macpherson McCulloch, Robin Brass Studio, 2000, pp. 124-5.

“Life at Sea in the Age of Sail.” Royal Museums Greenwich, https://www.rmg.co.uk/stories/topics/life-sea-age-sail. Acc: 18 May 2025.

“History of Halifax, Nova Scotia.” Wikipedia: The Free Encyclopedia, last modified 15 May 2025.

“History of Troopships and the Regiment.” Queen's Royal Surreys, https://queensroyalsurreys.org.uk/troopships/ts001.html. Acc: 18 May 2025.

“Journeys in Time: Ships—18th & Early 19th Century Sailing Vessels.” Macquarie University, 1998-2009, www.mq.edu.au. Acc: 18 May 2025.

“Life at Sea in the Royal Navy of the 18th Century.” BBC History, www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/empire_seapower/life_at_sea_01.shtml. Acc: 18 May 2025.

“The Marks of a Sailor.” Maritime History from Aloft, maritimealoft.weebly.com/the-marks-of-a-sailor.html. Acc: 18 May 2025.

“The Wooden World: Daily Life, Sleep and Wellness at Sea.” American Revolution Institute, www.americanrevolutioninstitute.org, accessed 18 May 2025. Acc: 18 May 2025.

“78th Fraser Highlanders.” Wikipedia: The Free Encyclopedia, last modified 15 May 2025.

©  Jeffrey Campbell, Fraser's 78th Regiment of Foot, 2025.

Prisoners of War in 1759

"A wave of astonishment sweeps over the soldier upon learning of the death of one of his closest battalion mates. The shock is palpable, a solemn reminder of the harsh realities that accompany war—where loss is inevitable and grief, though expected, strikes with sudden and devastating force." — Jeffrey Campbell,  Brothers in War, (2025)

Prisoners of War in 1759

A list of people returned from being prisoners in Canada, 15th Novr. 1759. 

Regt. or Province; Name; When and Where Taken

Artillery

Elizath. Dickson, Halfway Brook, 1758

Forbess's

John Anderson, Scortecock, 1759

Willm. Leggett, Ticonderoga, 1759

Inniskilling [27th Regiment]

Benjn. Porter, Fort Edward, Feby. 1757

William Scott, Ticonderoga, 8th July 1758

William Mealy, Halfway Brook, 1758

Royl Highlandrs. [42nd Regiment]

Serjt. Munro, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

Corpl. McIntosh, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

John Cameron, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

Alexr. McDonald, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

Donald McLeod, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

Geo: Munro, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

Robt. Fraser, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

Donald Munro, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

Donald McLeay, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

Donald McIntyre, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

John Chisolm, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

John McIntyre, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

Malcolm McIntyre, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

Archd. McFaile, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

Alexr. McDonald, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

Angus Wilkison, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

Alexr. Stewart, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

John McKenzie, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

Thos. McKenzie, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

Robt. Smyth, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

William Grant, Ticonderoga, 8th July 1759

James Douglass, Ticonderoga, 8th July 1759

Finlay McKay, at Halfway Brook, 1758

Robt. Kennedy, at Halfway Brook, 1758

Peter McKinzie, at Halfway Brook, 1758

John McIntosh, at Halfway Brook, 1758

Dunc. McNiell, at Halfway Brook, 1758

Alexr. Norrie, at Halfway Brook, 1758

Prideauxs

Joseph Barnes, Near Crown Point, 1759

Jean Stewart, 1/2 way brook, 1758

Gages

Serjt. Lewis, Fort Chamble, Novr. 1759

Donald Young, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

James Ryan, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

William Smyth, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

Thos. Brown, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

James Brown, Fort Chamble, Novr. 1759

John Hopps, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

Thoms. Cherry, Lake Champlain, Oct. 1759

John Humphrys. Taken wth. Capt. Kennedy, 1759

John Colly, La Galette, 22d Septr. 1759

Major Rogers Rangers

Gersham Flagg, Fort Edwr., 22d Decr. 1758

William Fannis, Lake George, 25th May 1759

Oliver Gauff, Lake George, 25th May 1759

Juda Bills, Lake George, 8th July 1759

William Walker, Lake George, 25th May 1759

Isaac Butterfield, Lake George 25th May 1759

Timothy Bowing, Lake George 25th May 1759

Abner Chace, Lake George 25th May 1759

John Ferrington, Lake George 25th May 1759

John Gray, Lake George 25th May 1759

Danl. Abbot, Near Fort Edward, 25 Aprl. 1759

Jams. Kennedy, Ticonderoga, 13th March 1758

Isaac Rice, Lake George 25th June 1758

Robt. Stewart, Near the royal Blockhouse, 1759

Littlefield Nash, Lake George, 25th June 1758

Serjt. Halkett, Near St. Johns, 27th Augst. 1759

Nichos. Brown, Lake George, 25th May 1759

John Buttler, Lake George, 25th May 1759

Ebenezr Tincomb, Lake George, 25th May 1759

Isaac McKay, Lake George, 25th May 1759

Isaac Burton, Lake George, 25th May 1759

Jams Moor, Lake George, 25th May 1759

Joseph Fisk, Lake George, 8th July 1759

John Boyd, Lake George, 8th July 1759

Joseph Davis, Lake George, 25th May 1759

Timothy Blake, Halfway Brook, 1st Novr. 1758

Timoy. Hopkinson, La Galette, 22d Septr 1759

Samuel Robertson, Lake George, 25th May 1759

Samuel Shepard, Lake George, 25th May 1759

Samuel Hall, Lake George, 25th May 1759

John Crown, Near Nutt Island, 4th Novr. 1759

John Adams, Lake George, 25th May 1759

Jabez Burrell, Near Nutt Island, 4th Novr. 1759

John Todd, Near Nutt Island, 4th Novr. 1759

Lemuel Goddart, Near Nutt Island, 4th Novr. 1759

Daniel Rose, Near Nutt Island, 4th Novr. 1759

John Jacobs, Near the Royl. Block House, 1759

Serjt. McKane, La Galette, 22d Sept. 1759

Joseph Bracey, Lake George, 25th May 1759

John Torry, 4 Mile Post, 28th July 1758

Jonathn. Clay, Lake George, 25th May 1759

Isaac Walker, Lake George, 25th May 1759

Geo. Shepperd, Lake George, 25th May 1759

John Dewey, Lake George, 25th May 1759

Jacob Hooper, Lake George, 25th May 1759

John Jacob, with Captain Kennedy, 1759

..... Abraham, with Captain Kennedy, 1759

Genl. Abercrombys

John Stevenson, Halfway Brook, 1758

John Langrell, Halfway Brook, 1758

John Wilkins, Halfway Brook, 1758

Mathew Howard, from Lake George, 1758

Genl. Murrays

William Gregory, Ticonderoga, 8th July 1758

John Glieve, Ticonderoga, 8th July 1758

Patrick Graham, Fort Stanwix, 29th May 1759

Genl. Hopsons

William Wedgewood, Taken Near Quebec, 1759

Genl. Webbs

John Todd, Taken Near Quebec, 1759

Genl. Braggs

John McLaughlin, Taken Near Quebec, 1759

Genl. Amhersts

Jams. Thoroughly, Taken Near Quebec, 1759

1st Battn. Rl. Americans [60th Regiment]

George Farrol, Fort Miller, 2d Aprill, 1759

James Gregg, Ticonderoga, 8th July 1758

Willm. Pendleton, Ticonderoga, 1759

2d. Bn. Rl. Amns. [60th Regiment]

Thoms. Middleton, Near Quebec

3d. Bn. Rl. Amns. [60th Regiment]

Jacob Dugan, Before Fort Edwd, May 1757

4th Bn. Rl. Amns. [60th Regiment]

..... McCormick, Fort Edward, Janry. 1759

Pepperills [51st Regiment]

Winthrop Howatt, at Oswego, August 1756

Benjn. Freeman, at Oswego, August 1756

Hugh McDugal, at Oswego, August 1756

John Williams, at Oswego, August 1756

John Davis, at Oswego, August 1756

Chapun Warren, at Oswego, March 1756

Willm. Strong, Bulls Fort, 1756

Willm. Maurill & Cathrin Maurill, Both in March 1756

Francis Maurill, [in March], [1756]

Moses Potter, Oswego, August 1756

Patrick Coyle, Oswego, August 1756

Peter Parker, Oswego, August 1756

Jams. Moor, Oswego, August 1756

Willm. English, Oswego, August 1756

Richd. Campbell, Oswego, August 1756

Shirleys [50th Regiment]

John Kennedy, Oswego, August 1756

Samuel Van Pelt, At Bulls Fort, March 1756

James Drake, At Bulls Fort, March 1756

Nathl. Moor, Oswego, Augst., 1756

John Swain, Oswego, Augst., 1756

Titus Price, Oswego, Augst., 1756

Violet Franklin, At Bulls Fort, March 1756

Thos. McCormick, At Fort Edward, Feby., 1758

Edward Ormand, At Oswego, Augst., 1756

Timoy. Higgans, Oswego, August 1756

John Pope, Oswego, August 1756

Darby McCarty, Oswego, August 1756

Jersey Regimt. [Jersey Blues]

Benjn. Moor, Oswego, August 1756

William Ester, Oswego, August 1756

John Parsall, Oswego, August 1756

Peter Jones, Oswego, August 1756

John Elwood, Oswego, August 1756

Jams. Drake, Oswego, August 1756

Jams. Reynolds, Lake George, 1759

Ebenezr. Eglinton, Lake George, 1759

Jacob Kiffock, Lake George, 1759

Andw. Ingle, Lake George, 1759

Benjn. Hawk, Lake George, 1759

Colo. Fitches

Elijah Bill, Taken, 1758

John Jones, Of Rogers Party, 4th Novr. 1759

David Dodge, 1755

Moses Squire, Teamster, 1758

Genl. Lymans

Ebenezr. Dodd, 1756

York Regimt.

Benjn. Petty, Oneida, 1759

Sailors

Jams. Windsor, Midshipman in the Squirrel Quebec, 1759

Alexr. Cumine, Do. Alcide, Do. 1759

Edwd. Davidson, Shrewsburry Man of War Do. 1759

Jams. Kingsborrough, Sea Horse, Do. Do. 1759

Marines

John Saunders, At Quebeck

James Lee, At Quebeck

Sailors

James Davis, Transport Ship Quebec, 1759

Isaac Gosley, Shrewsburry M of War Do.

Willm. Hemns, Sommerset, Do. Do.

Phillp. Robertson, Transport Ship, Do.

William Cullis, Somerset Man of War, Do.

Boston Forces

Aaron Cogdan, Near Fort Edward, 1756

Joel Grosby, Halfway Brook, 1758

William Cochrane

James Richards, Fort Wm. Henry, 1756

Noah Pratt

Jonathn. Farewell, Casco Bay, 1755

Joshua Taylor

Ebenezr. Pratt, Fort Wm. Henry, 1756

Ikobul Barnes, Saratogu, 1758

Jonathn. Bailey, Fort Willm. Henry, 1757

Nathl. Windslow, At Sea, 1758

Robt. Mason, Halfway brook, 1756

Isaac Forster. Fort Wm. Henry, Septr. 1756

Joseph McEvan

Virginians

Jams. Cheek & Jean Medley, Ft. du Quesne, 1758, at Tolpahoqus, 1758

Samuel Trentor, Hanah Megley [poss. Medley], Loyl. Hannon, 1758

Adam Air, Do., Loyl. Hannon, 1759

Fredrk. Trusell, Ft. Du Quesne, 1759

Alexr. Rankin, Loyl. Hannon, 1758

Jeremih. Saunders, Ohio, Febry. 1757

Ambros Sparks, Loyl. Hannon, 1758

Wm. Bryan, Loyl. Hannon, 1758

Pensylvanians

Fredk. Crislow, Loyl. Hannon, 1758

Arthur Mize, Loyl. Hannon, 1758

Arthur Irvin, Ft. Legonier, 1759

Jacob Henderick, Ft. Legonier, 1759

Battoe Men

Mathew Walner, Oswego, July 1756

Ikobut Bonny, Oswego, 1756

Talcot Dawson, Bulls Fort, 1756

Amos Allan, Saratoga, Aprl. 1756

Edwd. Van Bern

Inhabitants of the German Flatts

John Bellinger, Elizath. Bellinger, Both Flatts, 12th Novr. 1757

Jacob Hill, Chrisr. Bellinger, Both 12th Novr. 1757

Nathl. Ox, Margt. Bellinger, Sumer 1759, Novr. 1757

Henry Hart, Cath. Hart. Sr., Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

Laurence Harder, Cath. Hart Jr., Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

Tonnio Harder, Margt. Harder Sr., Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

Nicholas Redman, Margt. Harder Jr., Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

Frederk. Stoughts, Cath. Harder, Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

George Hill, Elizth. Redman, Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

Adam Hilman Sr., Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

Adam Hilman Jr., Marg. Beaver, Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

Peter Fowks, Elizth. Hill, Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

Andrew Bisnaw, Cath. Hill, Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

Amos Allan, Margt. Weaver, Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

Andre. Sizner, Ester Tranqin [Trangin?], Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

Lewis Grott, Cath. Hilman, Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

Elisabth. Hillman, Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

Catro? Hillman, Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

Mary Hillman, Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

Cathrin Demoult, Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

Christr. Ambowsh, Flatts, Both Novr. 1757

Elizath. Rishman

Inhabitant of Hallifax

Barnaby Strochan, Taken near Halifax, 1756

Inhabt. in Virginia

Josh: Oliver, Taken 1756

Inhabts. of Pensylvania

John Stirley, Phebe Stirley, Both Taken at Sheppy, 1757

Inhabitt. of Maryland

Owen Davis, At Conagagee on the Potomach, 1757

Inhabits of the Jersey

Thomas Hunt, Taken 1756

Philip Stall, Ann Medlain, At Shaspero Town 1757, Virginia 1756

John Stall, Cathine. Harty, At Shaspero Town 1757, At Amelegal 1758

James Medlain, Mart Harty, At Alamin 1757, At Amelagal 1758

York Sutler

Donald McBean, Mohawk River, 1759

Mr. Sweetenham, A Volunteer at La Galette, 1759

Mr. Beech, Master of a Merchant Man

Abstract of the Prisoners Return'd 

Officers: 16

Regulas Soldiers & Rangers: 137

Provincial Soldiers: 48

Seamen: 12

Inhabitants: 26

Women: 31

Total: 270

Note: Document has been reformatted to fit this medium.

Works Consulted

War Officer Records: Amherst Papers. Canada, Miscellaneous Papers and returns, 1759-1762. W.O. 34, vol. 8. LAC, Microfilm C-12838, images 540-547.