Scurvy Hits Fort Stanwix

Fort Stanwix, a strategic fortification in 18th-century New York, bathed in the warm amber hues of sunset during the tense period of the French and Indian War. The fort's wooden palisade walls and bastions are illuminated by the fading sunlight, standing strong against the vast wilderness that surrounds it. Within the fort's confines, British soldiers in red coats and tricorn hats are seen moving with purpose, some tending to cannons on the ramparts, while others patrol the grounds. (Jeffrey Campbell, Fort Stanwix, 2024. Artist's rendition created with Perchance AI Image Generator)

Scurvy Hits Fort Stanwix

Albany March 3d. 1759

Sir

    I received your Favour from Schenectady with the Inclosures from Fort Stanwix and Sir Willm. Johnson. If no proof of ill designs can be made out against the Indian, I shall send him to the Jersys, as soon as the River opens.

    I have conversed with Mr. Monro on the subject of your scorbutick Men at Fort Stanwix, he tells me every man should be sent down the instant the smallest symptom of the scurvy is perceived, by detaining them longer, as there is no means at the Fort to cure this Disorder, it increases to a degree very difficult to be eradicated, and the man is soon rendered unable to march down the Country, which is the case of the twelve men mentioned in your Letter. He tells me likewise when any bad Symptoms appear on the men the sending them to Country Quarters will not answer, That they must at first be sent to General Hospital where proper medicines and food is prepared for them, and when the disorder is on the decline They may then be sent to the Farm Houses.

    The sending delay's for such of your men not able to march is certainly very right, and instead of twenty fresh men which you propose sending, I wish you would double that number, and I fear there will be occasion for them.

    I write to Major Clephane desiring his surgeon may frequently examine the men at least once a week. I am with great regard

                                                                                    yours &c

                                                                                                (sign'd) Thos. Gage

To Colo. Fraser        P.S.

Since finishing my letter I have heard from Genl. Amherst who approves of sending fresh men to relieve such as are affected wth. the scurvy at Fort Stanwix, & if there should be occasion even of changing the whole Garrison in that manner without any formal relief you will therefore not be sparring of your men, for, from the Experience I have had of this cursed disorder I shall not be surpriz'd if you should be obliged to bring down most of the Garrison of Fort Stanwix by the End of this month.

Albany March 5th 1759.

Sir

    I received your two Letters of the 24th & 26th February with Captn. Wendell's Muster Rolls &c. His Accot. is not exactly right, but I have got it rectified as well as I was able, from his Accot. and have granted a warrant for his money to 23d. February inclusive, which I hope he will receive by this opportunity. The Indian prisoner is arrived, He was certainly in the Jersey Regiment and taken at Lake George by the Enemy. The account he gives of his Travels after that incident may be true or false, but I shall soon know whether he belongs to the Jersey Indians. You will please to order the Three Men whose names are marked as unfit for service in Captain Wendell's Muster Rolls to be immediately discharged.

    I have talked with Doctor Monro on the Subject of your Scorbutick Men, who tells me every man should be sent down the Country the moment the smallest symptoms of the scurvy appears, as your surgeon has not what is proper to cure this disorder, if they are detained longer, it will encrease so fast and to such a degree as very soon to render the men unable to march; which I understand by Colonel Fraser is actually the case with those men mentioned in your last letters. You will therefore be pleased to order your Surgeon to Examine all the men of your Garrison very frequently, at least one every week, to prevent this Disorder getting any Head in your Garrison, as I know the consequences to be very fatal. I have wrote very fully on this matter to Colonel Fraser who proposed sending you Twenty fresh men, to relieve such as you were disordered, I have desired him to double the number & wish you may not have too much occasion for them, by the time they reach Fort Stanwix.

    Mr. Coventry shewed me your Return of Bedding &c. I am sorry it's so bad, particularly as I can send you no supply.

    I hope the fresh provisions will be some relief to your Garrison, whenever it's in my power, I shall sned you a further supply.

                                                                                            I am &c.

                                                                                                        (sign'd) Thos. Gage

To Major Clephane or offr.

commandg. at

Fort Edward Stanwix

Albany March 25th 1759

Dear Sir

    The Post arrived here yesterday and brought me your Favor of the 19th instant. Notice has been sent of the Number of Indians at Ticonderoga and the Probability of their Endeavours to revenge this last stroke of Rogers, to every Post in the communication, wt. repeated orders to be on their guard: no mischief has since happened, and I hope none will happen. Rogers & the Indian officer Lutteridge distinguished themselves most in this scout, The Regulars, as you will see in the accots. sent you, were made little use of. You will sometime or other have it in your power to reward Rogers, and as for Lutteridge and the Indians I think it best to leave them to Sr. Wm. Johnson.    

    I have ordered Lieut. Genl. Murrays Regimt. to relieve Frasers, and intend replacing them by Prideauxs Regiment from hence, and as soon as Frasers Regimt. is embarked to bring Abercromby's Regimt. into this Town Till I am free of Frasers, Abercromby's would fill us too full, so propose letting them lye in their cantonments till the other sails. This relief could not have happened more unseasonably, The Frost just breaking up, neither waggon or Slay can stirr, and the River so full of Ice as to stop the navigation. A messenger has been sent upwards to reconnoitre the River and if found practicable, Colo. Massey Marches wt. his Regimt. tomorrow, but it's the opinion of most, that it will not be possible for him to move these three or four days.

    As I shall not expect the Garrison of Fort Stanwix in less than fourteen days after General Murrays Regiment has actually Marched from Schenectady; I believe I shall be obliged to send Frasers Regiment down by piece=meal just as they arrive, as I am not willing to detain the Sloops here, which you will have occasion for below; and will likewise save demurrage.

    I recd. a Letter yesterday from Major Clephane of the 17th Inst. telling me of the Impossibility of sending down the worst of his sick from the badness of the Roads and fullness of the creeks; that a slay sent up to assist his sick had been lost and the Horses drowned, The Major sent me at the same time a Letter from his Indian Interpreter, which I send herewith; and seems to finish all Hopes of Intelligence from the long expected Scout from Swogathchi.

    Rogers is here and has fixed matters with Jacobs' who is set forward to raise his Company, the other Jacob's is also wrote to, as well as King Ungas of the Mohigons to raise two other Companys. 

    By a letter from Fort Edward of the 23d. inst. I find a Deserter had been just brought in from Ticonderoga, whom Colonel Haldimand says, confirms the former accots. of the Prisoners. He left the Enemy the 20th whom he says perceived that our party has Examined the Intrenchment, but had not discovered that any Person had been upon the Mountain. That they were in Trouble for a Scout of 30 Indians that had set out from Ticonderoga the second of this Month with 15 days provision, and not returned at the time of his Desertion. That another Party of 60 Indians were to set out from thence the 21st Tho' it's probable this Mans deserting may stop the Party, Colo. Haldimand has nevertheless sent advise of it to the several Posts. I believe the weather is not sufficient to stop all Partys for some time.

    Most of the Regimts. have some men to be recommended to Chelsea who were not in a condition to move when the rest sailed in the Kennington; would you have them collected, and sent down to be ready for the next Man of War or remain here sometime longer? I have ordered Murrays Regimt. to leave theirs behind.

    As the business relating to the Horses of the People of Half Moon concerned the Artillery only, I have employed Captain Martin and Mr. Wilson the Commissary to Examine into it; who have been to Half:Moon for this purpose: They report to me that Corry stirred up the Inhabitants to make these Demands, but that there is money justly due to them. Mr. Wilson knows a good deal of the affair, and says there were as many Horses used in the Artillery Service as set forth in both demands, but that the charge is too high, nothing being deducted for forrage. When Capt. Ord paid the first Demand, he thought he was quite clear of further claims, and no wonder he thought so from Corry's Receipt, Had he taken the trouble to find out the owners of the Horses, instead of Dealing wt. a Lawyer, the People would have been satisfied, and no further trouble given in the affair. I hope to have it settled in a few days.

    Thank you for the List of Promotions, I have no news but what you have heard. Mr. Boscawen & Sir Chas. Hardy not pleased. I am

                                                &c.

                                                        Thos. Gage

His Excy

Genl. Amherst

Source:

"Letterbook of Thomas Gage, Albany, 1759 January 20-1760 May 5." In the digital collection Thomas Gage Papers, 1738-1807. https://quod.lib.umich.edu/g/gage/gage.7001.001. William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed December 2, 2024.

©  Jeffrey Campbell, Fraser's 78th Regiment of Foot, 2025.

Orders Providing Clothing and to Inspect Uniform Patterns, 1757

From their London workshop in 1757, two clothiers meticulously inspect neck scarf patterns designed for the civilian sector. While stationed in Quebec through 1763, Colonel Fraser's men of the 78th Regiment of Foot typically received their annual clothing allotment in April of each year, with the exception of 1760, which was hijacked by the French Frigate, Le Machault, en route from Halifax to Quebec. (Jeffrey Campbell, London Clothiers, 2024. Artist's rendition created with Perchance AI Image Generator)

 

Inspecting Uniform Patterns

War Office 13th January 1757

Sir,

His Majesty having been pleased to order Two Highland Battallions of Foot, to be forthwith Raised, under the Command of Lt. Col. Montgomery & Lt. Col. Fraser each Battallion to Consist of 40 Serjeants, 40 Corporals, 20 Drummers, and 1000 Effective private Men, besides Commission Officers; And as the Cloathing, & Accoutrements, &c for the said Battallions are to be immediately provided, I am Commanded to Signify to you, It is His Majesty's Pleasure, that you do forthwith Summon a Board of General Officers to Inspect the Patterns which shall be Exhibited, and do every thing else which shall be necessary, that the said Cloathing and Accoutrements &c may be immediately provided.

I am Sir

Your most obedient

humble Servant

Barrington

Copy

Robert Ince Esqr.

Source:

War Office Records: Out Letters: Secretary at War. General Letters, Dec. 1756-Apr. 1757. LAC, W.O. 4, vol. 53 (Selections).

©  Jeffrey Campbell, Fraser's 78th Regiment of Foot, 2024.

Second Highland Battalion Recruiting Efforts

Two concerned mothers in the Scottish Highlands discuss their recent encounter with a civilian recruiting officer regarding their sons enlisting in the British Army, to serve in Major James Clephane's Company of the Second Highland Battalion. Raised in early 1757 for service in North America, this mostly "all-volunteer force," some 1000 men strong, were a mixture of carpenters, blacksmiths, weavers, tailors, and a great many day labourers, aged as young as 17 and as old as 60. (Jeffrey Campbell, Brace of Mothers, 2024. Artist's rendition created with Perchance AI Image Generator)

Early Recruiting Efforts

As recruiting for the newly established Second Highland Battalion began in January 1757, Colonel Simon Fraser, Commanding Officer, informed Lord George Beauclerk, Commander of Scottish forces in North Britain, as to the status of his recruiting efforts. 

The War Office in London authorized funding for 1040 men, and the battalion appears to have met its initial recruiting goal in just about 45 days. The following is a transcribed copy of that correspondence.

Colonel Simon Fraser to Lord George Beauclerk

Copy of a Letter from Lieut. Colonel Fraser,

to Captain Stewart Secry. to the Rgt. Honble. 

Lord George Beauclerk dated, Inverness 

1st March 1757.

Sir,

    I must beg you will acquaint My Lord George Beauclerk that the Battalion which I have the Honour to Command is Compleat. The Returns I found here amounted to 582, what I pick'd up myself at Edinburgh and in the several Countrys I passed through 150, which, with 306 which I got in three Days in the Fraser Country makes the whole number 1038. Rank and File without including some subalterns who have as yet made no returns. As in such a number raised in a hurry there must necessarily be many Exceptionable Men, I have not stopt the Recruiting, but have desired them to be nicer than at first, and I hope to have as many supernumerary as will enable me to Discharge any exceptionable ones.

    I hope My Lord George will Excuse my not sending a Regular Return, which I cannot tale upon me to do till I have seen and approve the Men; and as My Lord has order'd me to march them to Glasgow I'm afraid I shan't be able to make any regular Return till the Regimt. is all there, and that will be some time first, as many of them are in the most remote parts of the Highlands where they have been recruited. I have wrote General Napier the State of the Battalion but have begged his Excuse also for making no Return till I have seen the men.

    In case it should make the officers here remiss, I have not informed any here except General Leighton, that the Regiment is compleat, and I submit to my Lord George if it will be improper to say nothing of it for a week or two, as I have Expectations from two or three Quarters for some fine fellows, which I shan't have unless they think I stand in great need.

    In obedience to Lord Georges Commands I shall march Four Companies for Glasgow next week. 

I am sir &c.

Signed S: Fraser

Source: W.O. 1/974, pp. 365-6.

©  Jeffrey Campbell, Fraser's 78th Regiment of Foot, 2024.

Colonel Fraser's Recruits Arrive in Virginia in 1759

HMS Eurus, an eighteenth-century British military warship, as she prepares to port with her convoy for a scheduled visit to Virginia in 1759. Her voyage encompassed some 45 days at sea to cross the Atlantic Ocean from Cork Harbour, Ireland, as she sailed a more southern route than previously scheduled convoys. (Jeffrey Campbell, Fair Winds, 2024. Artist's rendition created with Perchance AI Image Generator)

Colonel Fraser's Recruits Arrive in Virginia in 1759

Writing a letter to his brother Ewen residing in Northumberland, UK, and described by Lieutenant Donald Cameron, a junior officer in the 78th Regiment, as "a long and tedious Pasage," the voyage that departed Greenock, Scotland, in March 1759 brought the fourteenth and final company of Colonel Fraser's recruits to America.

Unlike previous crossings, which took approximately 45 days or so to navigate the transatlantic voyage from Ireland to North America due in part to limiting the initial southern distance in which they sailed out of Cork Harbour, this departure of transport ships headed by HMS Eurus saw the fleet take a more extreme southern route, sailing as far south as the Tropic of Cancer (latitude 23.4°N off the west coast of Morocco below the Canary Islands) before finally turning to the west on May 10th, following that same latitude across the Atlantic, ultimately bearing to the north-west in the latter part of the month, passing Bermuda on June 8th. She finally moored in Hampden, Virginia, on June 20th. 

The lieutenant further explained to his brother, "...and from Virginia we ware Ordered for York, and from York up the River to Albonay, where we parted with Captain Campbes Componay [Colonel Montgomery's battalion], then we ware Ordered Down that same River to York again and from York to Luisbrough, and up the River Sant Lawrence to the Sage of Quebeck. We arrived in Camp before Quebeck September the 3 and we came time enowch to see everything that was Done and one of the most Glorious Battles that ever was fought in America." [NRS, Acc.11137/41 titled 'Letters to Sir Ewan of Fassiefern, 1759, 1764-1787, containing a letter describing the siege of Quebec, 1759'].

Letter to Lord Barrington

St. James's Square Jan. 31, 1759

My Lord

    I beg leave to acquaint your Lordship that yesterday Mr. Secretary Pitt signified the Kings pleasure to the Lords of the Admty for a Convoy to repair to Greenock & from thence to proceed to Virginia with the Highlanders embarked on board the transports which Captain Clark left there for that purpose.

[To] Lord Barrington

I am

with great respect

My Lord, your Lordships

most obedt. humble Servt.

Robt. Wood.

Source: TNA, W.O. 1/678, p. 21[?]

Editorials

Whitehall Evening Post

February 13, 1759

Portsmouth

This morning is sailed, and is now almost out of sight, Admiral Holmes in the Somerset, with Northumberland, Terrible, Trident, Intrepid, Medway, Maidstone, Adventure, Diana, Trent, Europa, Vestal, Eurus, Boreas, Crescent, Baltimore, Scorpion, with 60 sail of Transports.

Public Advertiser Newspaper

Scotland

Edinburgh, April 5. Thursday his Majesty's Ship Eurus, Capt. John Elphingston, sailed from Greenock, with a fair Wind, having about 200 Highland Troops under her Convoy, destined to reinforce those in America.

Although the Public Advertiser newspaper extract incorrectly recorded the date of the convoy's departure from Greenock, the ship's name and the accompanying captain were recorded correctly. It was not uncommon for newspaper editor's in those days to err, as it was practice to copy and publish articles directly from one another.

HMS Eurus

Hired to convoy the transport ships carrying Colonel Fraser's men to Virginia, Eurus, previously the French Privateer Le Dragon, was a sixth-rate frigate captured by the British in April 1757. Her armament consisted of 24 British 9-pounders on the upper gun deck, and she had a crew complement of 160 men.

Captain John Elphingston, a seasoned British officer and first commissioned lieutenant in 1746, rose through the ranks and became an admiral in 1770. He served as Captain of the Eurus from February 10, 1759, through March 30, 1760.

In reviewing the official ship's logs [TNA, ADM 51/316], the following events are recorded in preparation for the overseas voyage:

February 27, 1759: Eurus moored at Greenock [Scotland].

March 10: Troops began boarding the transport ships.

March 21: [Underway] down the River Clyde.

April 5: Moored at Hebberstone [sic, Hubberstone, Wales].

April 12: Got under sail [for North America].

Letter of Francis Fauquier, Lieutenant-Governor of Virginia

To the Board of Trade

Wmsburgh June 23d 1759

My Lords

    I do my self the Honour to transmit to your Lordships, by the Spotswood Captn. Seaton for Bristol a Duplicate of my Letter of the 14th of April, and also of a Letter of the 9th instant which your Lordships will receive by the Jenny Captn. Crawfurd who will sail on this s'en [sennight: one week] night for London, by whom I shall send all the public Acts and Papers. I am extremely sorry I can not send these sooner, but I cannot get them out of the Offices for Want of Clerks who can write the engrossing hand. They are not now all finish'd and deliver'd to me. I propose for the future as an Expedient in some Measure to remove this difficulty, to send your Lordships the principal Acts as soon as the Session is over by themselves, and let them be followed by the Journals and other acts of less Consequence: if this Method will be agreeable to your Lordships.

    Captn. Elphinston in his Majesties Ship Eurus arrived in Hampton Road on the 20th with three Transports under Convoy containing three Hundred Highlanders Recruits for Montgomery's and Fraser's Battalions. They expected I had received Instructions in Relation to their future Destination, but as I have received no Instructions or Information on this Head, I find my self at a Loss to provide for the Men and Officers whom I have ordered to follow their own Instructions and disembark the Men for whom I will do all in my Power both as to Accomodations and Refreshments of fresh provisions after their long passage. I have dispatch'd a Messenger to Brigr. Genl. Stanwix at Philadelphia to know how I shall dispose of the Men; I expect his Return in about eight Days from this Date; and have detained Captn. Elphinston and the Transports till I receive his Answer, for if he would have them, and Captn. Elphinston Convoy them into the Delaware River in his Way to join Admiral Saunders as his Orders are: and I have wrote to Mr. Saunders my Reasons for detaining him these few days.

    Captn. Elphinston has brought in with him two Rhode Island-Men, supposed to be concerned in the same illicit Trade as the Vessel brought in here by Captn. Legge and condemned here lat year. These Captains have, I am informed, burnt many of their papers, so the Event of the Seizure is uncertain. I have the Honour to be with the greatest Regard, My Lords, Your Lordships most Obedient humble Servant.

Fran: Fauquier

The the Rt. Honble. the Lords of Trade &ct.

[Endorsed as read on 14 Nov. 1759].

Source: Reese, George. The Official Papers of Francis Fauquier, Lieutenant Governor of Virginia, 1758-1768, Volume 1, The Virginia Historical Society, 1980, pp. 221–222.

©  Fraser's 78th Regiment of Foot, 2024.

A History of Colonel Fraser's Carbines

After being inspected and issued from the Tower of London in 1757, the carbines assigned to Colonel Fraser's Second Highland Battalion were loaded onto transports and shipped with other ordnance to Glasgow, Scotland, to meet the men. In 1745, those same rifles once defended soldiers of the 10th Light Horse on the Culloden Moor Battlefield. (Jeffrey Campbell, Inventory of Arms, 2024. Artist's rendition created with Perchance AI Image Generator)

A History of Colonel Fraser's Carbines

There's nothing I find more fascinating than a wonderful detective story. And when coupled with the history of Colonel Fraser's issued carbines, it seems to get even more interesting. While Fraser's Highlanders are predominately known for their vicious assaults on the battlefield with the basket-hilted broadsword, they also carried side pistols and carbine rifles during their time in North America, of which the latter garners very little attention. So, after contemplating the question of which regiment previously had possession of the carbines, I began digging through archival records to see what could be located about the history of these arms.

"Our Arms are the Carabines [sic] the horse had before they were reduced to Dragoons, & are excellent Arms in every respect but they are rather Slight for hard use."

Colonel Simon Fraser to General James Abercromby, 23 April 1758, from on board the Hallifax [sic] off Nantasket Lighthouse [Abercromby Papers, AB 188, Huntington Library, San Marino, California].

Duke of Kingston's 10th Light Horse

During the rebellion of 1745, when a second fruitless endeavor was made by the House of Stuart to recapture the high position lost by the bias and oppression of its ancestors, Nottingham, a city located in the United Kingdom's East Midlands about 125 miles north of London, provided many of the enlisted recruits for a newly-raised horse regiment, which accomplished such a great deal of execution at the battle on Culloden Moor, where it is said three butchers of Nottingham killed fourteen of Scotland's rebels. 

Evelyn Pierrepont, the 2nd Duke of Kingston-upon-Hull, born circa 1711, was a landowner, nobleman, and member of the House of Lords. Although Pierrepont was once described as "a very weak man, with the greatest of beauty," when the Jacobite emergency of 1745 broke out, the Duke was called upon to raise a regiment called Kingston's Light Horse in October 1745, drawn from the men in and around the city of Nottingham. This regiment was raised through a subscription amounting to £8526. 10s. 6d. of which total the Dukes of Kingston and Newcastle contributed £1000 each, and the Duke of Norfolk, and Rulers Byron, Middleton, Sutton, Cavendish, and Howe, with different people of qualification in the country, about £200 each.

Brought into the Line as the 10th Light Horse, one of two cavalry regiments supporting the Duke of Cumberland's army in a reserve roll on the battlefield at Culloden Moor, historical records suggest the regiment was originally issued 400 muskets and bayonets, 200 pairs of pistols, and 200 horseman's swords [De Witt Bailey, The Boards of Ordnance and Small Arms Supply: The Ordnance System, 1714-1783, p. 99, (hereafter, Bailey, Small Arms)]. It is further chronicled that only 211 officers and men served at Culloden, about one-half of the regiment, with the other half possibly on detachment guarding the city of London, should another emergency have occurred there. Although their time together with Kingston was rather short-lived, the regiment was quickly disbanded one year later, and a thorough review of seven volumes of officers' commission books covering May 1730 through January 1757 confirms that most of the officers were absorbed into the only British dragoon regiment to be raised during those years, the Duke of Cumberland's 15th Dragoons. It is also said that only eight of Kingston's original men refused to continue service in Cumberland's new army, providing a second opportunity for the men to serve together in uniform.

At the end of their short tenure, Kingston's carbines were most likely turned back in to the Ordnance Stores in London to be refurbished and later renumbered, as Cumberland's new army received different carbines. On March 3, 1746, Thomas Hatcher, who had taken over as Master Furbisher at the Tower of London on the death of Richard Woolridge the previous year, traveled to Kingston-upon-Thames with pattern arms to show the Duke. During the period of 1746 and early 1748, Cumberland's Dragoons received 488 carbines; of this number, 390 were delivered in November and December of 1746, with a further 30 in October 1747 to replace losses at the battle of Val, and a final 68 in March 1748 [Bailey, Small Arms, p. 101].

Contemporary Newspaper Extracts

Dublin Journal

April 29, 1746

Extract of a private Letter from Newcastle April 25

Thursday last one of his Majesty's Messengers went thro' this Place for London, by whom we have Advise, that the Duke of Perth and Lord Elcho were killed ; the Stockings and Breeches of the Duke of Perth were found in the Field of Battle ; that near 4000 Rebels were killed and taken Prisoners ; that Lord Kilmarnock had turned Informer, and had been detached with 1200 Men in quest of the Pretender, whom he had undertaken to bring to his Royal Highness the Duke, on Pain, or Death ; that Kingston's Light Horse having each a Carbine, Pistols, and Broad Sword, had done incredible Execution amongst the Rebels both in Battle and Pursuit, having killed fifteen men each.

London Evening Post

July 12, 1746

From the London Gazatte

Fort Augustus, July 2

Yesterday was brought hither Prisoner Hugh Fraser, Chief Secretary to Lord Lovat, by a party of Kingston's Horse, which was sent on search after him.

London Evening Post

August 02, 1746

London.

We hear that the Duke of Kingston's Light Horse will be brought on the Establishment as Dragoons, and the command given to Marquess of Granby.

The General Advertiser

Thursday, September 11, 1746

NUMB. 3706.

The new Regiment of Dragoons which are appointed to be raised by his Majesty forthwith, are, as we are well assured, to be the Gentleman that belong'd to the Duke of Kingston's Light Horse, who were so active in the late Rebellion.

The General Advertiser

Friday, September 12, 1746

NUMB. 3707.

On Monday next, his Grace the Duke of Kingston's Regiment, who behav'd so well at the Battle of Culloden, will be disbanded; but his Royal Highness the Duke, for their Bravery, had offer'd to receive all those who are willing to enter into his new Regiment of Dragoons; and those that refuse will be handsomely gratified.

Small Arms Warrants

A decade later, in 1757, as Colonel Fraser's regiment was raised in three separate stages for service in North America (10 companies beginning January 1757, three companies beginning Jul 1757, and one company beginning September 1758), three separate Warrants were issued to the Master General of the Ordnance authorizing the distribution of small arms &c. The first authorized the following items:

14 January 1757: [TNA, W.O. 4, vol. 53, p. 59]

• Firelocks & Bayonets: 1040
• Iron Ramrods: 1040 (See note)
• Side Pistols: 1080
• Cartouch Boxes & Straps: 1040
• Halberts: 40
• Drums: 20

Note: In contrary to iron ramrods listed in the Warrant, a separate, undated document specifies the issuing of wooden ramrods [SP 44/189, p. 341]. And this seems likely to have occurred, as Major James Clephane, while stationed with four companies at Fort Stanwix in March 1759, in response to an attack by Indians outside the fort a few days earlier, requested iron ramrods from the armorer for his men [78th Regiment Orderly Books. Elizabeth Rose Family Papers, 1758-59. NRS, GD125/34/7].

Interestingly, writing to his military agent George Ross from Ruthven, Badenoch, Scotland, on 16 February 1757, Colonel Fraser requested clothing and arms be shipped to Leith, Scotland, in order to be transported to Glasgow, their "headquarters." While the city of Inverness in the North served as official headquarters during the recruiting phase, Glasgow would serve as a central location, where 10 companies of men, raised from all parts of the country, would have an opportunity to collectively gather in April to receive clothing, purchase necessities, and begin their initial exercise with arms before marching south to Portpatrick, located on the southern west coast of the Rhins of Galloway. Ross complied with the request later that month and shipped 500 arms, 500 clothing, and 500 accoutrements from London on board the Elizabeth, piloted by Captain Christy [TNA, W.O. 973/1, p. 935].

After a few weeks had passed, on 28 March 1757, it was ordered that 200 rounds of mini ball [per man], fine paper, and flints for the carbines and pistols for two Highland battalions "be without fail sent on board the transports to Night...and that Mr. Bennet do immediately go on board to see if they can without delaying for Bulkheads, take on board the Proportion of Powder requisite for the above Number of Rounds and if they can he is to cause it directly to be put on board from Tilbury of Greenwich and of H.P. sort if possible"; the initials possibly being those of the powder-maker (who evidently produced good powder) and marked on the sides of the barrels [TNA, WO 47/49, p. 325]. 

Days later, shipped on board the Dutchess of Hamilton on 2 April 1757, for Cork Harbour, Ireland, being the last transport taken up to carry Colonel Fraser's troops to North America, included over nine tons of carbine shott, two tons of pistol shott, 29 casks of flints, and four vatts of 3/4 tons each (black powder, to be divided with Colonel Montgomery's battalion) [NMM, ADM 354/155/170, 2 April 1757].

A 1760-61 mercantile account ledger from Glassford and Henderson's Colchester store's Ready Money account uncovers an enlightening enigma of historical pricing for gunpowder and shot, which was also available to the average, everyday citizen. In examining an account entry for the month of September, 1761, it reveals five separate purchases for quantities containing both shot and powder, which records sales of powder averaging two shillings and six pence per pound, while the much-needed shot was priced at a mere six pence per pound. The more frequent purchases in the ledger account for about 1/2 pound of powder for every two pounds of shot purchased. [Online article courtesy of the University of Central Florida entitled Black Powder and Hot Lead: A Brief History of Colonial Munitions in Merchantile and Imports [http://tinyurl.com/bdcvenwk]. Of course, considering the government was supplying enormous quantities of both powder and shot to their armies around the world, there would have been significant discounts applied by contractors and vendors in order to secure accounts, the same as with arms suppliers.

The second Warrant, issued a few months later, contained items to be used by an augmentation of men to the regiment, forming the 11th, 12th and 13th companies. 

27 July 1757: [TNA, W.O. 4, vol. 54, p. 233]

• Firelocks & Bayonets: 312
• Wooden Ramrods: 312
• Side Pistols & Straps: 324
• Cartouch Boxes & Straps: 312
• Halberts: 12
• Drums: 6

In early September 1757, agent George Ross was again directed to send unspecified quantities of clothing and arms "with the greatest of dispatch" to support the three additional companies that subsequently mustered at Glasgow. Ross contracted with Captain Thompson of the Paisley packet transport ship to take everything on board and proceed immediately to Leith. However, Thompson could not yet depart London because Captain Dundas of the Dolphin's Prize was ordered to convoy Paisley to the north, yet Dundas' ship was wanting masts and "in short of everything," suggesting she was not quite seaworthy. It's rather strange that a ship in desperate need of repairs would be appointed for a convoy. A petition was then sent to the Admiralty to order Hull, when she arrived at the Nore (a sandbank in the east Thames Estuary), to convoy Paisley to the north.

On 16 September, the original petition was returned by Mr. Mills at the Admiralty with the following endorsement: "The Salamander is order'd [to convoy] vice the Dolphin's Prize of which [Captain] Thompson had notice by the post of the 16th. Another few days had passed, and as Salamander was then removed from consideration for unknown reasons, Captain Thomson expressed his disappointment and informed Ross that there were two Sloops anchored at the Nore, ready to sail for Yarmouth (a seaside town on the east coast, west of Norwich), and was hoping the Admiralty would order one of these ships to see Paisley to Leith. Additionally, there were two 20-gun ships also anchored at the Nore, neither of whom had any appointments. It was then that a new petition had been transmitted to the Lordships, perhaps suggesting one of these vessels be ordered to convoy. This latest petition was sent over on 20 September, and after some consideration, the letter was returned with a verbal answer: "That their Lordship had ordered another [different] convoy."

While final bills of lading were filed with the proper authorities, the identity of the transport that was eventually hired to convoy Paisley and her contents, including Colonel Fraser's clothing and arms, to Leith remains unidentified and may be lost to history [W.O. 1/973, pp. 959-61].

The third and final warrant approved arms and equipment for an augmentation of slightly over 100 men, which also included four newly commissioned officers.

15 September 1758: [W.O. 4, vol. 56, p. 233]

• Firelocks & Bayonets: 104
• Wooden Ramrods: 104
• Side Pistols & Straps: 108
• Cartouch Boxes and Straps: 104
• Halberts: 4
• Drums: 2

Did you know? 

It is said that Colonel Fraser's men amused themselves practicing their marksmanship at times, shooting at the old weathercock at the top of the Episcopal Church spire while in Stratford, Connecticut, during the 1757-58 winter season [Wm. Howard Wilcoxson, History of Stratford, Connecticut, 1639-1939, p. 311].

Carbines in North America

Simply put, carbines are just shorter versions of muskets designed for use in British light cavalry regiments. Generally slung by the user's side by a moveable iron or steel swivel to run up their shoulder belt, it is suggested the 10th Light Horse were issued the 36-inch barrel-length carbine like those issued to other horse regiments [Stuart Reid, Cumberland's Culloden Army 1745-46 (2012), p. 46]. However, that measurement still requires confirmation. If correct, then Colonel Fraser's men received a shorter barrel than those of their sister battalion, Montgomery's 77th regiment, which is purported to have received the Pattern 1744, 37-inch barrel-length carbine [purportedly: TNA, WO 47/49, 4 February 1757, p. 125]. Manufactured in 1742, it had a flared and tapered 37-inch barrel in both .62 and .66 calibers. Originally issued with wooden ramrods, all the furniture was that of a reduced Brown Bess, a .76 caliber musket. The original locks, an early curved style and of a reduced size, may have been provided by Vaughan, a large supplier of locks and barrels to the Ordnance in the early 1740s.

In a recent discussion with the archivist for the Tower of London, at the Royal Armouries Museum in Leeds, the only known surviving 36-inch carbine is the Light Dragoon Carbine of 1756, which was a cut-down barrel, and that the weapon typically ranged from 36 to 36.75 inches in length; far too late a carbine model for use at Culloden. In 1915, the Tower recorded in their armory one 36-inch barrel carbine of .67 caliber and is described as being fit with a swivel bar and lock plate engraved G.R. under a crown and GRICE, 1761. Their current online catalog describes this weapon as a Pattern 1759 Light Dragoon Carbine [https://royalarmouries.org/collection/archive/archive-134483]. 

De Witt Bailey, in his paper entitled British Small Arms in North America, 1755-1783, describes that "the presence of carbines in North America during the French and Indian wars continues to be clouded with some uncertainty." He further asserts that in May 1758, the light infantry companies (on the continent) were ordered to exchange their muskets "for those of the artillery and of the additional companies of Colonel Fraser's Highlanders... [11th, 12th, and 13th companies], and that the Highlanders turned in 37-inch, and not 42-inch, barrels. And while it seems likely to be the case, unfortunately, he does not offer his source supporting the former carbines.

So, what was the final disposition of Colonel Fraser's carbines at the end of the war? Before departing North America, it is suggested that all arms were delivered over to the Ordnance Stores at Quebec, to be later issued to the men of the 84th Royal Highland Emigrants, who were raised in 1776 [Earl Chapman, Muskets used by Fraser's Highlanders, 1757-1763, which references NAS, GD174/2100].

In Conclusion

While we may never find definitive proof of Fraser's Highlanders taking possession of 36 or 37-inch barrel carbines in North America, it's apparent that a strong argument can be made in favor of the longer barrel, as outlined. In the interim, we'll continue to search in hopes that one day proper documentation will surface. I find it truly fascinating to discover some of the paperwork that has suddenly appeared over the years. And as more people come forward to donate personal family collections to the various archives, perhaps one day we'll find the answer.

And through my time chronologically arranging these documents recording the history of Colonel Fraser's carbines for publication, the idea that kept running through my mind, and what I find most extraordinary, is that Fraser and his men were issued the very same weapons used by the British Army to attack some of their fellow countrymen on the Culloden battlefield 11 years earlier, in 1746!

Jeffrey Campbell, Fraser's 78th Regiment of Foot, 2024.