A History of Colonel Fraser's Carbines

Following their inspection and issuance from the Tower of London in 1757, carbines designated for Colonel Fraser’s Second Highland Battalion were loaded on transport vessels and shipped alongside other military stores to Glasgow, Scotland, where they were received by the regiment. Remarkably, these same firearms had previously seen service in 1745, defending soldiers of the 10th Light Horse on the battlefield at Culloden Moor. — Jeffrey Campbell, Inventory of Arms, (2025)

A History of Colonel Fraser's Carbines

There's nothing I find more fascinating than a wonderful detective story. And when coupled with the history of Colonel Fraser's issued carbines, it seems to get even more interesting. While Fraser's Highlanders are predominately known for their vicious assaults on the battlefield with the basket-hilted broadsword, they also carried side pistols and carbine rifles during their time in North America, of which the latter garners very little attention. So, after contemplating the question of which regiment previously had possession of the carbines, I began digging through archival records to see what could be located about the history of these arms.

"Our Arms are the Carabines [sic] the horse had before they were reduced to Dragoons, & are excellent Arms in every respect but they are rather Slight for hard use."

Colonel Simon Fraser to General James Abercromby, 23 April 1758, from on board the Hallifax [sic] off Nantasket Lighthouse [Abercromby Papers, AB 188, Huntington Library, San Marino, California].

Duke of Kingston's 10th Light Horse

During the rebellion of 1745, when a second fruitless endeavor was made by the House of Stuart to recapture the high position lost by the bias and oppression of its ancestors, Nottingham, a city located in the United Kingdom's East Midlands about 125 miles north of London, provided many of the enlisted recruits for a newly-raised horse regiment, which accomplished such a great deal of execution at the battle on Culloden Moor, where it is said three butchers of Nottingham killed fourteen of Scotland's rebels. 

Evelyn Pierrepont, the 2nd Duke of Kingston-upon-Hull, born circa 1711, was a landowner, nobleman, and member of the House of Lords. Although Pierrepont was once described as "a very weak man, with the greatest of beauty," when the Jacobite emergency of 1745 broke out, the Duke was called upon to raise a regiment called Kingston's Light Horse in October 1745, drawn from the men in and around the city of Nottingham. This regiment was raised through a subscription amounting to £8526. 10s. 6d. of which total the Dukes of Kingston and Newcastle contributed £1000 each, and the Duke of Norfolk, and Rulers Byron, Middleton, Sutton, Cavendish, and Howe, with different people of qualification in the country, about £200 each.

Brought into the Line as the 10th Light Horse, one of two cavalry regiments supporting the Duke of Cumberland's army in a reserve roll on the battlefield at Culloden Moor, historical records suggest the regiment was originally issued 400 muskets and bayonets, 200 pairs of pistols, and 200 horseman's swords [De Witt Bailey, The Boards of Ordnance and Small Arms Supply: The Ordnance System, 1714-1783, p. 99, (hereafter, Bailey, Small Arms)]. It is further chronicled that only 211 officers and men served at Culloden, about one-half of the regiment, with the other half possibly on detachment guarding the city of London, should another emergency have occurred there. Although their time together with Kingston was rather short-lived, the regiment was quickly disbanded one year later, and a thorough review of seven volumes of officers' commission books covering May 1730 through January 1757 confirms that most of the officers were absorbed into the only British dragoon regiment to be raised during those years, the Duke of Cumberland's 15th Dragoons. It is also said that only eight of Kingston's original men refused to continue service in Cumberland's new army, providing a second opportunity for the men to serve together in uniform.

At the end of their short tenure, Kingston's carbines were most likely turned back in to the Ordnance Stores in London to be refurbished and later renumbered, as Cumberland's new army received different carbines. On March 3, 1746, Thomas Hatcher, who had taken over as Master Furbisher at the Tower of London on the death of Richard Woolridge the previous year, traveled to Kingston-upon-Thames with pattern arms to show the Duke. During the period of 1746 and early 1748, Cumberland's Dragoons received 488 carbines; of this number, 390 were delivered in November and December of 1746, with a further 30 in October 1747 to replace losses at the battle of Val, and a final 68 in March 1748 [Bailey, Small Arms, p. 101].

Contemporary Newspaper Extracts

Dublin Journal

April 29, 1746

Extract of a private Letter from Newcastle April 25

Thursday last one of his Majesty's Messengers went thro' this Place for London, by whom we have Advise, that the Duke of Perth and Lord Elcho were killed ; the Stockings and Breeches of the Duke of Perth were found in the Field of Battle ; that near 4000 Rebels were killed and taken Prisoners ; that Lord Kilmarnock had turned Informer, and had been detached with 1200 Men in quest of the Pretender, whom he had undertaken to bring to his Royal Highness the Duke, on Pain, or Death ; that Kingston's Light Horse having each a Carbine, Pistols, and Broad Sword, had done incredible Execution amongst the Rebels both in Battle and Pursuit, having killed fifteen men each.

London Evening Post

July 12, 1746

From the London Gazatte

Fort Augustus, July 2

Yesterday was brought hither Prisoner Hugh Fraser, Chief Secretary to Lord Lovat, by a party of Kingston's Horse, which was sent on search after him.

London Evening Post

August 02, 1746

London.

We hear that the Duke of Kingston's Light Horse will be brought on the Establishment as Dragoons, and the command given to Marquess of Granby.

The General Advertiser

Thursday, September 11, 1746

NUMB. 3706.

The new Regiment of Dragoons which are appointed to be raised by his Majesty forthwith, are, as we are well assured, to be the Gentleman that belong'd to the Duke of Kingston's Light Horse, who were so active in the late Rebellion.

The General Advertiser

Friday, September 12, 1746

NUMB. 3707.

On Monday next, his Grace the Duke of Kingston's Regiment, who behav'd so well at the Battle of Culloden, will be disbanded; but his Royal Highness the Duke, for their Bravery, had offer'd to receive all those who are willing to enter into his new Regiment of Dragoons; and those that refuse will be handsomely gratified.

Small Arms Warrants

A decade later, in 1757, as Colonel Fraser's regiment was raised in three separate stages for service in North America (10 companies beginning January 1757, three companies beginning Jul 1757, and one company beginning September 1758), three separate Warrants were issued to the Master General of the Ordnance authorizing the distribution of small arms &c. The first authorized the following items:

14 January 1757: [TNA, W.O. 4, vol. 53, p. 59]

• Firelocks & Bayonets: 1040
• Iron Ramrods: 1040 (See note)
• Side Pistols: 1080
• Cartouch Boxes & Straps: 1040
• Halberts: 40
• Drums: 20

Note: In contrary to iron ramrods listed in the Warrant, a separate, undated document specifies the issuing of wooden ramrods [SP 44/189, p. 341]. And this seems likely to have occurred, as Major James Clephane, while stationed with four companies at Fort Stanwix in March 1759, in response to an attack by Indians outside the fort a few days earlier, requested iron ramrods from the armorer for his men [78th Regiment Orderly Books. Elizabeth Rose Family Papers, 1758-59. NRS, GD125/34/7].

Interestingly, writing to his military agent George Ross from Ruthven, Badenoch, Scotland, on 16 February 1757, Colonel Fraser requested clothing and arms be shipped to Leith, Scotland, in order to be transported to Glasgow, their "headquarters." While the city of Inverness in the North served as official headquarters during the recruiting phase, Glasgow would serve as a central location, where 10 companies of men, raised from all parts of the country, would have an opportunity to collectively gather in April to receive clothing, purchase necessities, and begin their initial exercise with arms before marching south to Portpatrick, located on the southern west coast of the Rhins of Galloway. Ross complied with the request later that month and shipped 500 arms, 500 clothing, and 500 accoutrements from London on board the Elizabeth, piloted by Captain Christy [TNA, W.O. 973/1, p. 935].

After a few weeks had passed, on 28 March 1757, it was ordered that 200 rounds of mini ball [per man], fine paper, and flints for the carbines and pistols for two Highland battalions "be without fail sent on board the transports to Night...and that Mr. Bennet do immediately go on board to see if they can without delaying for Bulkheads, take on board the Proportion of Powder requisite for the above Number of Rounds and if they can he is to cause it directly to be put on board from Tilbury of Greenwich and of H.P. sort if possible"; the initials possibly being those of the powder-maker (who evidently produced good powder) and marked on the sides of the barrels [TNA, WO 47/49, p. 325]. 

Days later, shipped on board the Dutchess of Hamilton on 2 April 1757, for Cork Harbour, Ireland, being the last transport taken up to carry Colonel Fraser's troops to North America, included over nine tons of carbine shott, two tons of pistol shott, 29 casks of flints, and four vatts of 3/4 tons each (black powder, to be divided with Colonel Montgomery's battalion) [NMM, ADM 354/155/170, 2 April 1757].

A 1760-61 mercantile account ledger from Glassford and Henderson's Colchester store's Ready Money account uncovers an enlightening enigma of historical pricing for gunpowder and shot, which was also available to the average, everyday citizen. In examining an account entry for the month of September, 1761, it reveals five separate purchases for quantities containing both shot and powder, which records sales of powder averaging two shillings and six pence per pound, while the much-needed shot was priced at a mere six pence per pound. The more frequent purchases in the ledger account for about 1/2 pound of powder for every two pounds of shot purchased. [Online article courtesy of the University of Central Florida entitled Black Powder and Hot Lead: A Brief History of Colonial Munitions in Merchantile and Imports [http://tinyurl.com/bdcvenwk]. Of course, considering the government was supplying enormous quantities of both powder and shot to their armies around the world, there would have been significant discounts applied by contractors and vendors in order to secure accounts, the same as with arms suppliers.

The second Warrant, issued a few months later, contained items to be used by an augmentation of men to the regiment, forming the 11th, 12th and 13th companies. 

27 July 1757: [TNA, W.O. 4, vol. 54, p. 233]

• Firelocks & Bayonets: 312
• Wooden Ramrods: 312
• Side Pistols & Straps: 324
• Cartouch Boxes & Straps: 312
• Halberts: 12
• Drums: 6

In early September 1757, agent George Ross was again directed to send unspecified quantities of clothing and arms "with the greatest of dispatch" to support the three additional companies that subsequently mustered at Glasgow. Ross contracted with Captain Thompson of the Paisley packet transport ship to take everything on board and proceed immediately to Leith. However, Thompson could not yet depart London because Captain Dundas of the Dolphin's Prize was ordered to convoy Paisley to the north, yet Dundas' ship was wanting masts and "in short of everything," suggesting she was not quite seaworthy. It's rather strange that a ship in desperate need of repairs would be appointed for a convoy. A petition was then sent to the Admiralty to order Hull, when she arrived at the Nore (a sandbank in the east Thames Estuary), to convoy Paisley to the north.

On 16 September, the original petition was returned by Mr. Mills at the Admiralty with the following endorsement: "The Salamander is order'd [to convoy] vice the Dolphin's Prize of which [Captain] Thompson had notice by the post of the 16th. Another few days had passed, and as Salamander was then removed from consideration for unknown reasons, Captain Thomson expressed his disappointment and informed Ross that there were two Sloops anchored at the Nore, ready to sail for Yarmouth (a seaside town on the east coast, west of Norwich), and was hoping the Admiralty would order one of these ships to see Paisley to Leith. Additionally, there were two 20-gun ships also anchored at the Nore, neither of whom had any appointments. It was then that a new petition had been transmitted to the Lordships, perhaps suggesting one of these vessels be ordered to convoy. This latest petition was sent over on 20 September, and after some consideration, the letter was returned with a verbal answer: "That their Lordship had ordered another [different] convoy."

While final bills of lading were filed with the proper authorities, the identity of the transport that was eventually hired to convoy Paisley and her contents, including Colonel Fraser's clothing and arms, to Leith remains unidentified and may be lost to history [W.O. 1/973, pp. 959-61].

The third and final warrant approved arms and equipment for an augmentation of slightly over 100 men, which also included four newly commissioned officers.

15 September 1758: [W.O. 4, vol. 56, p. 233]

• Firelocks & Bayonets: 104
• Wooden Ramrods: 104
• Side Pistols & Straps: 108
• Cartouch Boxes and Straps: 104
• Halberts: 4
• Drums: 2

Did you know? 

It is said that Colonel Fraser's men amused themselves practicing their marksmanship at times, shooting at the old weathercock at the top of the Episcopal Church spire while in Stratford, Connecticut, during the 1757-58 winter season [Wm. Howard Wilcoxson, History of Stratford, Connecticut, 1639-1939, p. 311].

Carbines in North America

Simply put, carbines are just shorter versions of muskets designed for use in British light cavalry regiments. Generally slung by the user's side by a moveable iron or steel swivel to run up their shoulder belt, it is suggested the 10th Light Horse were issued the 36-inch barrel-length carbine like those issued to other horse regiments [Stuart Reid, Cumberland's Culloden Army 1745-46 (2012), p. 46]. However, that measurement still requires confirmation. If correct, then Colonel Fraser's men received a shorter barrel than those of their sister battalion, Montgomery's 77th regiment, which is purported to have received the Pattern 1744, 37-inch barrel-length carbine [purportedly: TNA, WO 47/49, 4 February 1757, p. 125]. Manufactured in 1742, it had a flared and tapered 37-inch barrel in both .62 and .66 calibers. Originally issued with wooden ramrods, all the furniture was that of a reduced Brown Bess, a .76 caliber musket. The original locks, an early curved style and of a reduced size, may have been provided by Vaughan, a large supplier of locks and barrels to the Ordnance in the early 1740s.

In a recent discussion with the archivist for the Tower of London, at the Royal Armouries Museum in Leeds, the only known surviving 36-inch carbine is the Light Dragoon Carbine of 1756, which was a cut-down barrel, and that the weapon typically ranged from 36 to 36.75 inches in length; far too late a carbine model for use at Culloden. In 1915, the Tower recorded in their armory one 36-inch barrel carbine of .67 caliber and is described as being fit with a swivel bar and lock plate engraved G.R. under a crown and GRICE, 1761. Their current online catalog describes this weapon as a Pattern 1759 Light Dragoon Carbine [https://royalarmouries.org/collection/archive/archive-134483]. 

De Witt Bailey, in his paper entitled British Small Arms in North America, 1755-1783, describes that "the presence of carbines in North America during the French and Indian wars continues to be clouded with some uncertainty." He further asserts that in May 1758, the light infantry companies (on the continent) were ordered to exchange their muskets "for those of the artillery and of the additional companies of Colonel Fraser's Highlanders... [11th, 12th, and 13th companies], and that the Highlanders turned in 37-inch, and not 42-inch, barrels. And while it seems likely to be the case, unfortunately, he does not offer his source supporting the former carbines.

So, what was the final disposition of Colonel Fraser's carbines at the end of the war? Before departing North America, it is suggested that all arms were delivered over to the Ordnance Stores at Quebec, to be later issued to the men of the 84th Royal Highland Emigrants, who were raised in 1776 [Earl Chapman, Muskets used by Fraser's Highlanders, 1757-1763, which references NAS, GD174/2100].

In Conclusion

While we may never find definitive proof of Fraser's Highlanders taking possession of 36 or 37-inch barrel carbines in North America, it's apparent that a strong argument can be made in favor of the longer barrel, as outlined. In the interim, we'll continue to search in hopes that one day proper documentation will surface. I find it truly fascinating to discover some of the paperwork that has suddenly appeared over the years. And as more people come forward to donate personal family collections to the various archives, perhaps one day we'll find the answer.

And through my time chronologically arranging these documents recording the history of Colonel Fraser's carbines for publication, the idea that kept running through my mind, and what I find most extraordinary, is that Fraser and his men were issued the very same weapons used by the British Army to attack some of their fellow countrymen on the Culloden battlefield 11 years earlier, in 1746!

Accoutrements of the 78th Regiment of Foot, May 1758

Introduction

British Army Uniforms: A 1758 Ledger from Major Clephane's Company

British Army uniforms of the mid-18th century were more than a matter of military discipline—they were cultural statements, logistical concerns, and living evidence of how soldiers adapted to warfare across continents. New archival material from the personal papers of Major James Clephane, second-in-command to Colonel Fraser of the 78th Regiment of Foot, offers extraordinary insight into what Highland soldiers' uniforms were actually issued during the early stages of the Seven Years’ War.

Dated May 1758, Clephane’s accounting ledger tracked expenses, issued accoutrements, and monthly pay for each soldier in his company. The listed items strongly suggest that these accoutrements as part of their uniforms were of the initial kit issued to the men of the 78th Highlanders. The details not only help historians visualize how the Highland regiments appeared in North America but also point to the layered interaction of personal, regional, and regimental identity in British Army uniforms of the time.

The Cultural Weight of Highland Uniforms

Uniforms for Highland regiments carried layered meaning beyond practical use. The distinctive red coat, paired with a tartan kilt and bonnet, marked a clear visual separation between Highland soldiers and their English or Lowland counterparts. For many of these men, particularly those drawn from the counties of Inverness-shire and Ross-shire, wearing the uniforms was both a sign of allegiance to the Crown and a declaration of regional identity—an identity that had only recently been under suppression following the Jacobite defeat at Culloden in 1746.

The inclusion of the philibeg (small kilt), cockade, and bonnet in standard issue was a deliberate departure from earlier attempts to anglicize military dress across the Highlands. Lord Loudoun, and later Simon Fraser, recognized that recruiting from Gaelic-speaking regions depended not only on economic incentives but also on honoring cultural tradition. Scholars such as René Chartrand and Michael Brander have noted that these regiments were among the first to integrate distinctively Highland dress as part of official British Army kit, signaling a shift in military policy toward symbolic inclusion of former Jacobite regions within imperial service.

Clothing and Accoutrements of the 78th Regiment

The following items are documented in Major Clephane’s 1758 expense ledger, now held at the National Archives of Scotland. Each represents part of the initial government-issued kit, as recorded for private soldiers in his company:

• 1 Pair of Shoes
  – Issued every six months at a cost of 3 shillings 4 pence.
• 1 Napsack
  – Essential for personal belongings.
• 1 Haversack
  – Multiple men were issued two: one in Inverness before departure, another in Cork, Ireland.
• 1 Cocade (Cockade)
  – A symbol of allegiance, worn on the bonnet.
• 1 Pair Garters & 1 Set of Buckles
  – Worn to secure the hose.
• 1 Kilt & Small Belt (or Pistole Belt)
  – Core identity item of Highland uniforms.
• 2 Checked Shirts
  – Issued directly by Clephane; this pattern was common in Highland dress.
• Turn Key Screw, Brush & Wire
  – Used to clean and maintain firelocks.
• Proportional Charge for Cook’s Frock
  – Shared cost among soldiers for kitchen wear.
• Leather Frock
  – Only charged to one soldier, possibly the company blacksmith.

Eyewitness Evidence: Betty Clephane’s Letter

Betty Clephane, the major’s sister and wife to the chief of Clan Rose, provides a rare civilian perspective. In a 1757 letter to her brother John, she describes the regiment’s condition during recruitment:

“We are already in such order, that we have our men received everyday with a stick on his shoulder and a good sack on his back, and a philibeg about his loup.”
— Betty Clephane, NAS, GD125-22-2, pp. 5–7

Her words affirm both the visual character of the uniforms—highlighting the philibeg (a term for kilt)—and the active role that Highland women played in organizing and equipping the regiment.

The Role of Women in Regimental Formation

Betty Clephane’s 1757 letter also invites reflection on the under-acknowledged role of women in Highland recruitment. While often excluded from formal military records, women such as Betty played essential roles in outfitting soldiers, preparing materials, and organizing support networks around local recruitment centers like Kilravock. Their domestic labor—sewing uniforms, laundering, provisioning—contributed directly to the formation and visual presentation of the regiment.

In many cases, wives and sisters of officers helped manage the day-to-day logistics of kitting out new soldiers. As the regiment prepared to embark for North America, it was not uncommon for women to remain involved through correspondence, remittances, and emotional reinforcement, contributing to what historian Sylvia Frey has described as the "home front" in imperial military expansion.

Official Military Orders, 1762

By 1762, dress regulations for Highland regiments had become more formalized. An order book from Captain John Nairne’s company lists exacting expectations for the upkeep of arms and uniform:

“Every soldier to be provided with a Brush weir, worm stopper, Turn key screw & rag for his arms... four good shirts & stocks, one night cap, an Ivory & horn comb for the hair... Bonnet proper so as to reach his brues before... his plaid never to be worn but kelted, the fillibeg or little kelt to be always worn in summer or harvest except when upon duty.”
— Captain John Nairne, Order Books, LAC, R5991-0-3-E

Such passages provide remarkable insight into the evolving expectations of soldierly appearance and discipline, further defining the visual identity of British Army uniforms in wartime.

Editorial Notice: Procurement in Glasgow

Procurement notices from British newspapers confirm the logistics behind outfitting entire regiments. One such entry appeared in The Public Advertiser in February 1757:

“An Order was received from London, to provide 2400 pairs of shoes and also Shoulder-Belts for the two Highland Regiments now raising.”
— The Public Advertiser, Thursday, 3 February 1757, Glasgow

This confirms that regimental outfitting was coordinated from the highest levels and distributed en masse even before transatlantic deployment.

Final Thoughts

Understanding British Army uniforms through firsthand records transforms our view of 18th-century warfare from distant abstraction to lived experience. The documentation of what soldiers wore, what they carried, and how they presented themselves reveals the structure, pride, and personalization that defined service in Highland regiments like the 78th Foot.

Major Clephane’s 1758 ledger, Betty Clephane’s candid letter, and formal order book entries together give shape to a soldier’s world—not just of tactics and duty, but of appearance, identity, and regulation. These layers of dress and discipline help historians trace the visible and invisible threads of a regiment’s journey across continents.

The administrative procedures referenced here are part of a larger body documentation. Many such records are preserved by The National Archives, UK.

Works Consulted

• Betty Clephane. Letter to 'Dear Brother', 1757. National Archives of Scotland, GD125-22-2, pp. 5–7.
• Brander, Michael. Scottish and Border Battles and Ballads. London: Seeley Service, 1975.
• Chartrand, René. The 78th Fraser’s Highlanders: The Raising, Recruitment, and Service of a Highland Regiment in the French and Indian War, 1757–1763. Ottawa: Service historique, 1984.
• Clephane, James. Military Accounts at Halifax, 1758. National Archives of Scotland, GD125-34-5.
• Frey, Sylvia R. The British Soldier in America: A Social History of Military Life in the Revolutionary Period. University of Texas Press, 1981.
• Harper, James. The Fraser Highlanders. Montreal: Montreal Highland Games Committee, 1966.
• Nairne, John. Order Books, 1762. Library and Archives Canada, R5991-0-3-E, MG23-GIII 23.
• The Public Advertiser. “Glasgow, Jan. 24.” 3 February 1757.
• Reid, Stuart. Redcoat Officer: 1740–1815. Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2002.